Category: Main Issues

  • Recommendations for the Armenian Diaspora

    Recommendations for the Armenian Diaspora

    Bruce Fein

    The Huffington Post Posted May 8, 2009

    The ongoing high-level efforts between Turkey and Armenia to normalize relations, including establishing diplomatic relations and opening the land border between the two countries, have received President Obama’s imprimatur during his recent visit to Turkey.

    While the negotiated resolution of any conflict is a desirable goal, the Turkish government would be wise to weigh the public’s expectations of this dialogue with existing realities, which will affect the immediate and long-term outcome of bilateral developments between the two countries and Turkey’s relations with the United States and Azerbaijan.

    First, there is a dichotomy of interests among the Armenian stakeholders in this dialogue. The interests of the Armenian Diaspora, even different Diaspora organizations, the American political establishment and Armenia are divergent. The increasingly boisterous voices in the Armenian Diaspora which object to the Armenian government’s engagement with Turkey; the dismissal of the bilateral process by U.S. lawmakers who carry the Armenian lobby’s torch in Congress; as well as the full blown campaign by all Armenian advocacy and lobby groups in furthering their legislative, educational, political and public affairs agenda in the U.S.and elsewhere, are proof of this divergence.

    On the other hand, the Turkish community abroad, particularly in the U.S., has by and large voiced support of the Turkish government’s dual approach that manifests itself in engaging in diplomatic efforts to normalize relations with Armenia on the one hand, and in committing to accept the findings of an impartial international commission that will address the contested period of Armenian-Ottoman history and the “genocide” question, on the other.

    However, supporting the process does not mean turning a blind eye to competing Turkish interests and other realities. There are wide-spread concerns among Turks and others that Turkey will lose much and gain little from the entente it labors upon with Armenia. Without a doubt, the most significant loss Turkey may endure from this process, particularly from opening its land border with Armenia, could be estranging its natural strategic ally, Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan has shown significant reaction to Turkey’s perceived “de-linking” of the continuing Armenian occupation from its negotiations with Armenia.

    Those in support of normalizing relations with Armenia frequently allude to the potential spillover effect this will have on a peaceful solution to the Karabakh conflict and also stem the “genocide” campaigns by the Armenian Diaspora. However, others argue that the economic effect of a closed land border with Turkey is the only incentive for Armenia to engage in a meaningful dialogue with Azerbaijan on lifting its occupation. Some Azeri analysts argue that removing this sanction may deprive Armenia of any incentive for peace and leave Azerbaijan with no option but a new war.

    The Turkish-Armenian dialogue is known to have been advocated by successive U.S. administrations as a way to “pacify” the Armenian lobby and to weaken the incessant congressional efforts for U.S. recognition of the “Armenian genocide,” a development that would most certainly damage U.S.-Turkey relations.

    However, pursuing this advice without addressing the underpinnings of the global Armenian campaign against Turkey will most certainly result in great disappointment for Turkey.

    The “Armenian Genocide” narrative is an existential narrative for the Armenian Diaspora. It has become the glue that bonds the community across social, economic and political lines. Perpetuating this narrative and activating the community around legislative, educational, philanthropic and political endeavors has become the lifeline for Armenian Diaspora organizations, including the Armenian Church. Hatred against modern day Turks and Turkey has become an identity strengthening tool, particularly employed toward young Armenians, and examples of this hateful behavior against ordinary Turks abound.

    It is in this area where Turkish analysis about the Armenian Diaspora’s state of mind, its wide-reaching agenda and impact seems to be most deficient. The benefits that Turkey expects from rapprochement with Armenia can not be achieved as long as the Armenian Diaspora’s realities are ignored. Unless Armenia and other interested parties can engage the Armenian Diaspora in this process and help bring about fundamental changes in the community, the “genocide” issue will remain at the center of their agenda. Consequently, Turkey’s outreach to Armenia will have no effect on the Armenian Diaspora and its international agenda against Turkey, including its lobbying of the U.S. Congress and the Administration.

    Bringing about change in the attitudes of the Armenian Diaspora needs to focus on:
    * Stopping hate: It is clear to everyone who follows the Armenian Diaspora that the pursuit of genocide recognition has turned into a campaign of hate against Turkey and modern day Turks. This hatred has been manifested in worldwide terrorism and the murder of 40 Turkish diplomats; the continuing adoration of these killers, as well as ongoing harassment and intimidation of Turkish Americans. More troubling, is the fact that hate against Turkey seems to grow among many young Armenian adults who hold more severely hateful perceptions of Turks.

    * Defending academic freedom and stopping intimidation and harassment of scholars: The Armenian Diaspora has successfully created an aura of intimidation in academia through their consistent vilification of scholars, who do not agree with the Armenian narrative of history. By slandering any scholar who deviates from the Armenian narrative as a “genocide denier” and attempting to deny such scholars access to academic and public platforms, the Armenian lobby is effectively stifling more research and debate on this history.

    * Exposing Armenian “buy-out” of scholars: Armenian foundations and wealthy Armenian Americans are pouring money into American universities to support scholars, including Turkish ones, whose positions corroborate the Armenian narrative. The existence of “Armenian Genocide” study centers at leading U.S. universities rests on the largesse of such Armenian donations. Research in this area has effectively been turned into an Armenian funded cottage industry.

    * Advocating the opening of Armenian Archives: Opening all Armenian archives to independent scholarly review will unearth the complete narrative of Ottoman-Armenian history, including the Armenian independence movement and revolt.

    * Stopping foul play: Armenian Diaspora groups must be held accountable to stick to the same rules that apply to all advocacy groups. Many of them have not. The best example of such foul play is the Armenian National Committee of America, which is currently under investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice for possible violations of its legal status and other U.S. laws governing lobbying.
    * Exposing the futility of political lobbying: The Armenian Diaspora lobbyists have invested much stock and capital in lobbying efforts to legislate history. Turkey must unequivocally state that it is an Armenian Diaspora illusion that such third country political pressures can force Turkey to accept their narrative and issue an “apology,” opening the way for other demands by the Armenian Diaspora such as reparations or territorial claims.

    * Looking forward: The Armenian community can gain tremendously by looking forward and reaching out to Turkey as their heritage country. Turkey and Turkish civil society should extend a hand of friendship toward the Armenian Diaspora. Turks, by and large, hold no animosity toward Armenians and will embrace Diaspora Armenians warmly. The rich Armenian culture continues to be part of Turkey’s culture, its music, art, architecture, folklore and cuisine. These common bonds can be revived and the Armenian Diaspora, not Armenia, can herald this revival.

    * Ending Armenia’s isolation: The Armenian Diaspora has played a significant role for Armenia. However, the Armenian Diaspora’s efforts cannot replace the economic and political benefits of normalizing Armenia’s relations with its neighbors, particularly Azerbaijan, and integrating the country into the economic and strategic regional framework. The Armenian Diaspora in the United States, in particular, should be the advocate of moving Armenia away from Russia and Iran and closer to Turkey and the U.S.

    * Believing in dialogue: The current Turkish government has long extended a hand of friendship and reconciliation toward the Armenian Diaspora and Armenia in its invitation to form an international historical commission. Turkey’s invitation and willingness to support such a comprehensive effort and to accept its findings may not remain valid forever. The Armenian Diaspora should unclench its fist and take this hand, as it is the only way for peace and reconciliation.

    ——————-  COMMENTS  AT HUFFINGTON POST ————————–

    View Comments:

    – + Hally See Profile I’m a Fan of Hally permalink

    Ahhh Seto, good try.

    “As a lawyer he should be able to differentiate an investigation from indictment. ”

    As well he is and can. Exactly where does the word “indictment” appear in Fein’s piece? The only one who makes reference to an “indictiment” is you. Fein’s article talks of an investigation.

    Perhaps you, Seto, should work on improving your reading comprehension or your old and tired propaganda technique of setting up a straw man to knock it down.

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 10:23 AM on 05/10/2009

    – + Hally See Profile I’m a Fan of Hally permalink

    “Armenian Americans are doing what Indian Americans, Jewish Americans or other Americans are doing ” nothing more, nothing less.”

    Please tell us how many Jewish Americans, Indian Americans and other Americans have formed terrorist groups to murder Turkish diplomats and bomb Turkish businesses/economic interests in the U.S.?

    And those are just a few tidbits to expose how greatly altered your view of reality is.

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 10:18 AM on 05/10/2009

    – + Hally See Profile I’m a Fan of Hally permalink

    Seto,

    Your disinformation campaign is rather amusing.

    First, the Republic of Turkey was one of the first nations to recognize the newly independent Armenia, but closed the border to protest Armenia’s invasion and occupation of the sovereign nation of Azerbaycan, as well as the Armenian military’s vicious slaughter of innocent unarmed civilian Azeris (ethnic Turks) who were trying to flee in the advancing Armenian army. The border closure has devastated Armenia’s economy, not Turkey’s. Turkey and Turks have virtually nothing to gain from opening the border. However, US and western European interests will be greatly served by an open border.

    The US interest in opening the border between Armenia and Turkey is motivated by the US’s desire to wrest Armenia away from “Mother Russia” so that vital pipelines conveying natural gas and oil from the central Asian plateau (former Soviet block countries with Turkic populations) can pass more cheaply and easily through Armenia and Turkey to shipping ports in the Mediterranean. Currently, planned pipelines all snake around Armenia through Georgia towards Turkey. This costs the US and western European nations who buy that gas and oil, more money.

    If Armenia is pulled away from Mother Russia and the border opened, the “hope” is not only to make it cheaper and easier to transport those natural resources west, but also to diminish Russia’s influence and power over Armenia (did you know that Russian military personnel in Armenia currently outnumber Armenia’s own military? how interesting is that?).

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 10:18 AM on 05/10/2009

    – + denica See Profile I’m a Fan of denica permalink

    Mr Fein is attempting to explore a rational dialogue between the Turkish and Armenian communities. What he gets in return is the same shop-worn comments and attitudes from the Armenian side. I believe Diaspora has so much invested in their side of the issue that any attempt by Turkish side will be viewed as weakness. Despite what we always hear, this isn’t simply Turkey apologizing for the events of 1915. Armenians (at least a large percentage) are making claims to a large section of Eastern Anatolia as theirs as well as other implied cash payments. Of course, societies have moved and no one today automatically has claims to a piece of land because their ancestors had it. Armenians are making a big mistake if they think they can take this to its limit (We need to immediately return this country to Native Americans). I congratulate Mr Fein for making an attempt to reach out with a well rounded argument.

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 12:02 AM on 05/10/2009

    – + LMPE See Profile I’m a Fan of LMPE permalink

    I can’t understand why, after Ataturk set out to divorce Turkey from its Ottoman past, he didn’t recognize the Armenian Genocide. That would have done more than anything to move Turkey forward.

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 07:17 AM on 05/09/2009

    – + BadgerinNJ See Profile I’m a Fan of BadgerinNJ permalink

    Shouldn’t Mr. Fein identify himself: Bruce Fein is the Resident Scholar for the Turkish Coalition of America. Prior to this position, Mr. Fein was also resident scholar at the Assembly of Turkish American Associations and a columnist for the Turkish Times. He has served as a consultant to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, evaluated the terms of the Annan Plan, and has appeared regularly on VOA and Turkish television to discuss current political events and their implications for Turkish-American relations.

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 11:33 PM on 05/08/2009

    – + Seto See Profile I’m a Fan of Seto permalink

    Fourth, Mr. Fein comes forth with the misrepresentation that Armenian Diaspora groups are engaged in foul play in violation of U.S. laws and regulations. His lone substantiation in this respect is his claim that the Armenian National Committee of America is under investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice. Now, Mr. Fein is a lawyer. As a lawyer he should be able to differentiate an investigation from indictment. The deliberate lack of knowledge is the source of his misrepresentation in the instant case. He is well advised to check the status of said investigation.

    Mr. Fein”s so-called “recommendations” boil down to a single directive to the Armenian Diaspora. He is effectively telling the Armenians to stop exercising their rights as citizens of their respective countries. This directive is more alarming in case of the Armenian Americans. He is telling American citizens of Armenian descent to halt exercising their rights under the U.S. Constitution.

    Mr. Fein should learn to accept that Armenian Americans are doing what Indian Americans, Jewish Americans or other Americans are doing ” nothing more, nothing less.

    [End]

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 10:07 PM on 05/08/2009

    – + Seto See Profile I’m a Fan of Seto permalink

    Third, Mr. Fein develops an artistic penchant to spread falsehood. He blatantly claims that the Armenian Diaspora intimidates and harasses the academia, and vilifies the scholars who do not agree with the fact of Genocide. What”s worse, he claims that the Armenian Diaspora engages in the “buy-out” of scholars to corroborate the fact of Genocide. These claims against the Armenian Diaspora are immersed in utter falsehood. Yet the same claims verily apply to the Republic of Turkey and the Turkish “associations” operating in the U.S., who have become experts in the claimed business and notoriously earned the reputation of doing their regular harassments of the academia, vilification of the scholars and “buying-out” of professors and department chairs to distort history and deny the Armenian Genocide.

    [Part 5 to be followed]

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 10:06 PM on 05/08/2009

    – + Seto See Profile I’m a Fan of Seto permalink

    Next, Mr. Fein lodges false accusations against the Armenian Diaspora claiming that it has turned the Genocide recognition into a campaign of hate against Turkey and Turks. This gentleman in the service of Turkish “associations” should familiarize himself with Armenian traditions and culture that inspire and teach the Armenian individual ” whether in Armenia or Diaspora ” love, friendship, brotherhood and peace. Not a single Armenian person sees an enemy in a Turkish person. As for Genocide recognition, it is only anchored on one principle, objective and feeling ” Justice. When in 1944 jurist Raphael Lemkin, in an effort to bring justice for the Jewish holocaust by the Nazis, coined the word “Genocide” based on the precedent of Armenian massacres, he was not motivated by hate against the Germans ” Lemkin sought justice and defined the annihilation of Armenians at the hands of the Ottomans and of European Jews at the hands of Nazis as Genocide.

    [Part 4 to be followed]

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 10:06 PM on 05/08/2009

    – + Seto See Profile I’m a Fan of Seto permalink

    First, Mr. Fein threatens that the “boisterous” Diaspora will cause the eventual failure of Turkey”s efforts to normalize relations with Armenia. According to Mr. Fein, Turkey, at the cost of damaging its strategic interests, is doing Armenia a favor by opening its borders that would save Armenia economically. Should Diaspora resume its untamed conduct, the borders will remain sealed and Armenia will be the loser. Mr. Fein, of course, unabashedly overlooks the geopolitical fact that Turkey is the one that is in dire need of Armenia in order to have access to the Southern Caucasus and beyond. This is the old Pan-Turanic strategic thinking once employed by the Ottoman Young Turks that led to the extermination of the Armenians. Now this strategic thinking is employed by the current government of Turkey under the guidance of Ahmet Davutoglu, the former foreign policy adviser and current foreign minister of Turkey.

    [Part 3 to be followed]

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 10:05 PM on 05/08/2009

    – + ustn See Profile I’m a Fan of ustn permalink

    There is a better idea – why don’t US, and all the other countries, states, legislatures, etc., that have recognized the Armenian suffering as genocide, do the same about the Turko-Muslim suffering in the same area at the same time? They should recognize the Turkic and Muslim Genocide of well over 1 million people in the same area from the Armenian invasions and massacres. Then probably the Turkish side will not object to a one-sided pro-Armenian bias by US Congress or any state legislature.

    Reply Favorite Flag as abusive Posted 05:33 PM on 05/08/2009

    – + lightningbolt See Profile I’m a Fan of lightningbolt permalink

    All genocide should be recognized and the guilty countries should stop trying to sweep it under the rug. The U.S. should recognize the Armenian genocide, and Turkey should recognize the Native American genocide. Maybe if both countries do this, their relations will not suffer.

  • Turkey Prioritizing its Relations with Azerbaijan

    Turkey Prioritizing its Relations with Azerbaijan

    Turkey Prioritizing its Relations with Azerbaijan

    Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 6 Issue: 87
    May 6, 2009
    By: Saban Kardas
    The recent uncertainty surrounding Turkish-Azeri relations is giving way to a new period of optimism, ahead of high level diplomatic contacts. Turkish President Abdullah Gul and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan will meet Azeri officials in a bid to reassure Baku of Ankara’s intention to protect Azerbaijan’s interests during the Turkish-Armenian reconciliation process.

    Turkey’s policy of conducting diplomacy within the South Caucasus in coordination with Azerbaijan, came under strain when it attempted to accelerate normalizing its relations with Armenia. Baku expressed its reservations over the rapid increase in diplomatic activity between Ankara -Yerevan which it perceived as “developing at the expense of Azerbaijan.” Azerbaijani officials tried to understand the content of the Turkish-Armenian rapprochement and how this might affect Turkish-Azeri relations (EDM, April 29, May 4). At the height of the discussions on President Obama’s April 24 address, the possibility that Ankara might ignore Baku’s sensitivities was often discussed within both countries. In addition to the reaction of Azerbaijani officials, such speculation added to public outrage toward the AKP government’s policies, both within Turkey and Azerbaijan. While delegations of Azeri parliamentarians and civil society organizations visited Turkey to garner political support for their plight, their Turkish counterparts also traveled to Azerbaijan in order to express solidarity with their Azeri brethren. Azeri deputies frequently appeared on live discussion programs on Turkish TV, seeking to mobilize public opinion, exerting additional pressure on the AKP government.

    Against this background, the Turkish government is now refocusing its attention on addressing those concerns. At the same time, the Turkish press reported that Baku has toned down its criticism of Ankara’s policies toward Armenia. Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev wants to reinforce bilateral ties, ensuring that he is kept informed about the progress on Turkish-Armenian rapprochement and securing greater leverage over Ankara’s policies toward Yerevan. Toward that end, Aliyev has decided to send a special envoy to Turkey (Referans, May 2).

    Turkey’s first attempts to reach out to Baku came on May 4 when Azerbaijan’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Araz Azimov, visited Ankara and held talks with Turkey’s newly appointed Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu. Since it was Davutoglu’s first meeting after assuming office two days earlier, it had a symbolic meaning -demonstrating the value that Davutoglu attaches to Turkish-Azeri ties. In addition to exploring ways of improving bilateral relations through more frequent and high profile meetings between the leaders of the two countries, they also exchanged opinions on regional issues (Cihan Haber Ajansi, May 4).

    As a further boost to Ankara’s policy to regain Baku’s confidence, Erdogan will visit Baku on May 12-13, and then meet Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin on May 16 (Anadolu Ajansi, May 4). While commenting on his forthcoming trip, Erdogan sought to deflect recent criticism from Baku and domestic opposition parties. He maintained that his government did not deserve such heavy criticism, which he characterized as an unnecessary reaction to Turkey’s policy of rapprochement; especially concerning Ankara’s intention to re-open its border with Armenia. Erdogan also emphasized that some Azeri officials’ statements had hurt Ankara. He added that the normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations will also serve Baku’s interests and he will seek to remove any misunderstandings during his visit next week (ANKA, May 5).

    Moreover, Erdogan’s plan to meet Putin reflects Ankara’s belief that Russia remains a significant stakeholder in the resolution of Turkish-Armenian-Azeri problems and must act in concert with Russia, in order to advance its interests within the South Caucasus. Russia is one of the co-chairs of the Minsk Group working to resolve the Karabakh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and has been mediating in talks between Baku and Yerevan.

    President Gul is taking additional steps toward addressing concerns over Ankara’s policies from Baku and domestic opposition parties. Gul met the leader of the main opposition Republican People’s Party Deniz Baykal, who had lambasted the recent moves towards rapprochement between Turkey and Armenia, arguing that Erdogan had betrayed Baku. Gul briefed Baykal about the developments within the South Caucasus in an attempt to influence Turkish public opinion (Cihan Haber Ajansi, May 5).

    Gul also plans to hold two separate meetings with Aliyev and the Armenia’s President Serzh Sarksyan during the Eastern Partnership and Southern Corridor meetings in Prague on May 7-8 under the sponsorship of the Czech Republic, which currently holds the EU presidency (Anadolu Ajansi, May 5). In addition to discussing issues including energy security, the Prague summit will provide an opportunity to consider the resolution of problems between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Baku and Yerevan frequently conduct part of their diplomatic negotiations on the sidelines of such multilateral forums. In preparation for the Prague summit the U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, met the foreign ministers of both countries separately in Washington. Clinton expressed her support and encouragement for these bilateral talks ahead of the Prague summit (www.cnnturk.com, May 5).

    The Gul-Aliyev meeting might equally hold symbolic meaning, marking an improvement of ties between Ankara and Baku, after their recent tension. Previously, Aliyev had declined to participate in multilateral meetings where he might meet Gul, spurning Gul’s invitation to attend the Alliance of Civilizations platform in Istanbul (EDM, April 8) and later cancelling his participation in an energy summit in Sofia, attended by Gul (Takvim, April 23). The Turkish press speculated that Aliyev was deliberately avoiding these meetings to convey his discomfort over Ankara’s failure to consult him on the Turkish-Armenian talks. Gul consistently denied any such row, and even claimed that he kept Aliyev informed about developments by telephone (www.ntvmsnbc.com, April 28). A face-to-face meeting between the two leaders might remove the basis for any future speculation, as well as mend strained Turkish-Azeri relations.

    https://jamestown.org/program/turkey-prioritizing-its-relations-with-azerbaijan/
  • Tackling the Turkish taboo

    Tackling the Turkish taboo

    robert ellisLast December, about 200 Turkish academics and journalists challenged a longstanding Turkish taboo when they launched a petition on the internet apologising for “the Great Catastrophe that the Ottoman Armenians were subjected to in 1915”. To date 30,000 have signed the petition.

    The reaction was twofold. The Turkish president, Abdullah Gül, who had earlier attended a World Cup qualifying match between Turkey and Armenia in Yerevan, said that being able to discuss every opinion was the policy of the state. The prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, on the other hand, said there was no need to apologise because Turkey had not committed a crime.

    In a further move, Canan Aritman, the Izmir deputy for the opposition Republican People’s party, accused the president’s mother of being Armenian, and when Gül explained that both sides of his family were Muslim and Turkish, she demanded a DNA test. A defamation lawsuit followed which resulted in the president being awarded a symbolic 1 Turkish lira (50p).

    Inevitably, after a complaint that the website campaign had violated article 301 of the Turkish penal code for “public denigration of the Turkish nation”, the Ankara public prosecutor’s office investigated the matter. The conclusion, surprisingly, was that there was no need for a criminal prosecution on the grounds that opposing opinions are also protected under freedom of thought in democratic societies. However, the high criminal court annulled this ruling and the issue is still pending.

    In recent years, a number of high-profile cases in Turkey have illustrated the fact that public discussion of the events of 1915 is still fraught with risk. Three years ago, the Nobel prize winner Orhan Pamuk was prosecuted for stating in an interview with a Swiss daily that “30,000 Kurds and a million Armenians were killed in these lands and nobody but me dares to talk about it”. The charge was dropped on a technicality but it transpired that an ultranationalist gang was trying to raise 2m lira to get someone to kill him.

    Another Turkish novelist, Elif Şafak, was also prosecuted under article 301 because a character in her novel The Bastard of Istanbul had raised the issue of the Armenian genocide, but the charge was ultimately dropped because of insufficient evidence. And two years ago, Hrant Dink, a Turkish-Armenian editor, was murdered outside his office in Istanbul by a young Turkish nationalist.

    Even on an academic level this topic is controversial. Four years ago, scholars who organised a conference at Bosphorus University on the Armenian issue during the Ottoman empire were accused by the government’s spokesman and minister of justice, Cemil Çiçek, of “stabbing the Turkish nation in the back”. The conference was postponed, but after an international outcry it was finally reconvened at Bilgi University four months later.

    More fuel was added to the fire last November when the defence minister, Vecdi Gönül, on the 70th anniversary of the death of the founder of modern Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, said: “If there were Greeks in the Aegean and Armenians in most places in Turkey today, would it be the same nation state?”

    But a fortnight ago the chief of the Turkish general staff, İlker Başbuğ, in a keynote speech reminded his audience that Atatürk had said it was the people of Turkey, without ethnic and religious distinction, who had founded the Republic of Turkey. If he had spoken of the Turkish people, that would be an ethnic definition.

    Both Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton pledged to recognise the Armenian genocide to garner the substantial Armenian-American vote during their presidential campaigns, but now geopolitical reality has set in. On Obama’s visit to Turkey at the beginning of this month, the US president maintained that his views on the incidents of 1915 had not changed and in his statement last Friday on Armenian Remembrance Day he reiterated that stance.

    However, without using the dreaded g-word, Obama instead spoke of “one of the great atrocities of the 20th century” and “Meds Yeghern” – the Armenian for the “Great Catastrophe”. His goal was still “a full, frank and just acknowledgement of the facts” and he strongly supported efforts by the Turkish and Armenian people to work through their painful history in an honest, open and constructive manner.

    While trying to manoeuvre between a rock and a hard place, Obama was met with criticism from both sides. The chairman of the Armenian National Committee of America expressed his “sharp disappointment” and Erdogan called Obama’s remarks “an unacceptable interpretation of history”.

    Nine months after Dink was murdered, his son Arant Dink and another Turkish-Armenian journalist received suspended sentences of one year’s imprisonment for using the term genocide. The Turkish court in its judgment stated: “Talk about genocide, both in Turkey and other countries, unfavourably affects national security and the national interest.”

    After the first world war, the treaty of Sèvres in 1920 was the instrument by which the victorious allies dismembered Ottoman Turkey and divided the spoils among themselves. It was only after the Turkish war of independence and a heroic struggle under the leadership of Atatürk that the treaty of Lausanne (1923) established the borders of modern Turkey.

    The Armenian diaspora is also responsible for Turkey’s fears of partition. In December 2007, journalist Harut Sasunian, a prominent member of the Armenian community in the US, said the ultimate objective of Armenians was to get recognition of their genocide claims and to obtain territory and compensation from Turkey.

    According to the prominent Turkish historian Taner Akcam, “Turkey needs to stop treating the discussion of history as a category of crime”. Perhaps the rapprochement between Turkey and Armenia and the agreement on a “roadmap” to normalise ties will one day lead to that.

    Published on : https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2009/apr/29/armenian-genocide-turkey

  • Armenian Patriarch of Turkey:  Religious or Political Leader?

    Armenian Patriarch of Turkey: Religious or Political Leader?

    sassun-2

    By Harut Sassounian

    Publisher, The California Courier

    A year ago, the 53-year-old Patriarch of Turkey, Mesrob Mutafyan, was unexpectedly diagnosed with a debilitating and apparently incurable illness. His official duties were assumed on a temporary basis by Archbishop Aram Ateshian, 55, and Archbishop Shahan Svajian, 83.

    There have been many puzzling questions as to the cause of the Patriarch’s illness. His doctors have announced that he is suffering from an unspecified neurological disorder and loss of memory.

    Members of the Istanbul Armenian community have expressed conflicting opinions as to the advisability of replacing the Patriarch. Electing a replacement is problematic, as Patriarchs usually serve for life. However, such an important seat cannot remain vacant for long. Patriarch Mutafyan was elected to his post in 1998.

    There are only about 10 Armenian clergymen worldwide who qualify to stand as candidates in a new patriarchal election, since Turkish law disqualifies those not born in that country. Two of the 10 clergymen reside in Istanbul, while the rest are in Armenia, the United States and Germany.

    Since Archbishop Atesyan has already taken on many of the patriarchal duties, he may emerge as the front-runner in a future election for that post. It is therefore important for the Armenian public to be informed about his background, actions and statements.

    In previous patriarchal elections, the Turkish government has indicated to the local Armenian community its preferred candidate. An early indication of such a preference would be the number of times a particular clergyman is invited to Ankara for “consultation.”

    To gain insight into Abp. Atesyan’s positions on Armenian-Turkish issues, here are several excerpts from his lengthy interview with Spiegel online, the electronic version of the prominent German Der Spiegel magazine. The interview was conducted shortly after the Armenian clergyman, along with the Jewish Rabbi, the Patriarchal Vicar of the Syriac Orthodox Church, and the Islamic Mufti of Istanbul met with Pres. Obama in Istanbul last month. The Greek Patriarch met separately with the U.S. President.

    Abp. Atesyan told Spiegel that he “spoke with Pres. Obama about the events of 1915 and told him that both peoples suffered.” He also the President: “We, the Armenians in Turkey, are like the children of a divorce. In Turkish, we call our homeland ‘Anavatan’ — that means ‘motherland’ — and in Armenian we call it ‘Hayrenik,’ which means ‘fatherland.’ We have lived with our mother for the past 80 years. Now we want our parents to finally reconcile.”

    Commenting on Pres. Obama’s April 24 statement, Abp. Atesyan said: “The Turkish government is unhappy that the US president used the term ‘Meds Yeghern,’ the ‘Great Catastrophe.’ That is the common Armenian name for the events of 1915 and basically means the same thing. But there is also some disappointment among Armenians. Many wished that he would specifically use the G-word. But of course he did not. The US needs Turkey, it is one of its most important strategic partners.”

    Abp. Atesyan proceeded to explain that “Armenians have been living on Anatolian soil for the past 2,000 years, and for the last thousand we have shared this land with the Turks. Our people were like brothers — until the tragic events of 1915. Now there is hope once again, but we should not gamble it away. Therefore the next step is diplomatic rapprochement between Turkey and Armenia, followed by the opening of common borders.” Interestingly, he dismissed the much talked about possible formation of a “historical commission,” by asserting that “a closer examination of our history will not be attempted for the time being.”

    When asked about the Armenian Diaspora’s demands for genocide recognition, Abp. Atesyan responded very cautiously: “I do not want to judge them. I do not want to judge anyone. I am a member of the clergy, it’s not my responsibility to conduct historical research or raise questions of guilt. The only thing I want to say to my Turkish and Armenian counterparts is: We know that something very terrible happened to my people in 1915. We also know that Turks and Muslims suffered. And we know that today there is a chance for our people to engage with each other.”

    Abp. Atesyan then commented on recent developments in Turkey: “Yes, there is certainly a change of mentality in Turkey. Ten years ago, no one would have had the courage to ask questions about the events of 1915. This fear has receded; today one can write about the issue or discuss it on television. In comparison to the 1990s, human rights in this country have made a big leap forward. This also affects our ability to practice our religion. We are now in a position to freely renovate our churches. Until recently, we had to ask permission from the government for each new nail…. It is an unwritten law in this country that a Christian can never be a government minister or a military officer. But I believe that this could change in the future.”

    The problem in giving such interviews is that Armenian clergymen in Turkey have to be extremely careful about what they say publicly, given that country’s draconian laws restricting freedom of speech. One wrong word can land them in jail or worse! In his case, Abp. Atesyan has an even more compelling reason for minding his words. He could either ingratiate himself to the Turkish authorities or have them veto his patriarchal candidacy.

    The wisest course for an Armenian clergyman in Turkey is to deal exclusively with religious issues and not discuss politics, thus avoiding the possibility of being used as a propaganda tool for the Turkish government.

  • Turkey’s new FM meets senior Azarbaijani official as first work

    Turkey’s new FM meets senior Azarbaijani official as first work

    The official’s visit to Turkey comes before Azerbaijan and Armenia summit.

    azimov-davutogluNew Foreign Minister of Turkey Ahmet Davutoglu received Azerbaijan’s deputy Foreign Minister Araz Azimov as his first guest.

    Azarbaijan’s ambassador to Turkey, Zakir Hasimov, accompanied Azimov during the visit.

    A statement was not released after the meeting between Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu and Azerbaijan’s deputy Foreign Minister Araz Azimov, but press members were allowed to take pictures.

    Before leaving his post to Davutoglu, Ali Babacan said the political consultation period among 6 countries, including Turkey and Armania, would start in a couple of weeks.

    Azimov who is responsible for Nagarno-Karabagh and energy issues among other things, evaluated regional developments during the meeting with Davutoglu.

    Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliev and Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan will meet in Prag over Nagorno-Karabakh in a land occupied by Armenian soldiers during the energy summit that will be held on may 7-8.

    Azimov’s visit to Turkey comes before this summit.

    Source:  www.worldbulletin.net, 04 May 2009

  • Letter to Madame Pelosi

    Letter to Madame Pelosi

    Letter addressed by a group of retired Turkish ambassadors to Madame Nancy Pelosi, Honorable Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States of America

    {{{isim}}}

    Doğum 26 Mart 1940
    Baltimore, ABD
    Görev süresi 4 Ocak 2007 –
    Partisi Demokratik P

    Once again, extremist factions within the American-Armenian communities have launched their yearly campaigns asking the US Congress the adoption of a resolution recognizing their claims ofArmenian Genocide”.

    We, a Group of Retired Turkish Ambassadors, whose friends and colleagues have been brutally murdered by Armenian terrorists, categorically object to such political initiatives based on false and untenable premises.

    The arguments set forth in the draft resolution are inaccurate, unfounded and are no more than tendentious assertions. If adopted, it will constitute a monumental symbol of one-sidedness, and an affront to the dignity of the Turkish people whose forefathers are accused of a detestable crime they had not committed. The silence of the draft Resolution on the losses and sufferings of the Turkish people during the same period is another regrettable aspect.

    The “FINDINGS” in Section 2 of the draft resolution calls for a detailed rebuttal which we are ready to provide in an appropriate setting in the Congress. Here we shall draw Your attention to a few points of overriding importance:

    The “post-World War I Turkish Government” was not a government legimately representing its people, but merely a remnant of the Ottoman Government under the captivity of British troops. It had no authority beyond the city of Istanbul under occupation. The so-called “court martials” formed in 1919 by that government were no more than the tools of the occupation forces. Their judges, who had even refused to hear the witnesses of the defendants, were appointed by the political opponents of the “Young Turks”. Even the British lawyers considered these courts to be a “farce” and an offence to the credibility of the British and Ottoman Governments.

    According to international law, the crime of genocide cannot be ascertained by parliamentary sub-committees or other political organs, but only by competent and impartial courts.

    Documents in the US archives (derived mainly from missionaries who had relied on Armenian sources) have been dismissed by the British Attorney General in 1920 as “personal impressions and opinions” unsuitable for use in legal proceedings. At the time the British had the possibility of obtaining any document they wanted in Turkey.

    US Ambassador Morghentau never visited Eastern Anatolia. When writing his “story”, he relied on the words of his two Armenian assistant-interpreters. His efforts to convince the United States to declare war against the Ottoman State was well known, as were his personal political ambitions. Most of the subsequent American ambassadors, including Admiral Bristol, as well as the American Observer Mission have contradicted his allegations. The reports of Captain Emory Niles and Mr. Arthur Sutherlands on the atrocities carried out by Armenian gangs and volunteers attached to occupation forces can be found in the American archives albeit in a mutilated form (U.S. 867.00/1005).

    The three Ministers mentioned by name were tried in absentia not for the “massacre” of the Armenians, but for having dragged the State into World War I on the side of Germany. Two of them were subsequently assasinated by Armenian terrorists, as were 31 innocent Turkish diplomats who had not yet been born at the time of these events. All members of the Ottoman Parliament and high level officials detained by the British Government and deported to the Island of Malta were later released for “lack of evidence” of war crimes.

    It has been clearly established that the presumed words of Hitler were the invention of a journalist, and were not recorded in any archive.

    Personal merits or stance of Mr.Lemkin cannot change the internationally recognized fact that only a competent court can rule whether or not the crime of genocide has been committed..

    Neither the United Nations, nor the Genocide Convention have ever recognized or made mention of “an Armenian Genocide”, as suggested in the draft resolution. The special UN Working Group refused to endorse the “Whitaker Report” containing this allegation on the gounds that it was not the Group’s task to pass judgement on history.

    Statements such as the “first genocide of the 20th Century” are thoughtless assertions against the Turkish nation, are morally unjust and ethically wrong, given the facts of history. In the Balkans alone, the 19th and 20th centuries witnessed the death of millions of Turks and Muslims as a result of massacre, disease and hunger. Only a part of them succeeded to reach Turkey in a pitiful state. No missionary or relief organization helped them; their sufferings were not reported in the West, they remained as the forgotten sons and daughters of history.

    The collusion and cooperation of the elements of the Armenian population with the invading Russian, French and British forces, and the destruction and massacres they have committed against civilian populations is a fact attested to not only by official Ottoman records, but also by several American, British and Russian sources. Secretary of State R.Lansing is unequivocal when he reports to President Wilson: “The betrayal of the Armenians against the State is the cause of their relocation”. Official records set forth that an Armenian Delegation wanted to participate in the Peace Conference as “the representatives of the Armenians who were de facto participants in the war on the Allied side against the Ottoman State”. The memorandum they submitted on Febuary 28, 1919 to the Conference confirms their “betrayal”, alongside the extreme territorial claims advanced by them. As Secretary Lansing has admitted, the relocation of the Armenian population in Eastern Anatolia was prompted by real security concerns.

    It is acknowledged, however, that under the conditions of war, the relocation process could not be managed as it should have been. During the relocation, unwarranted deaths and suffering was witnessed mainly due to disease, bandits and tribal attacks (in particular of those who had found refuge in Anatolia after their expulsion from their homelands by Armenians); but this tragic destiny was shared also by Turks and other Muslim populations. More than 2.5 million of them perished in the same war; according to some estimates 518,000 Turks and some Jews were killed by Armenian para-military troops and gangs. It was these very organizations that had spearheaded the uprisings, fought against the Ottoman armies, massacred hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians. and destroyed entire settlements and communities. Their objective was to prepare ethnically clean territories for a future Armenian state in areas where they never held a majority There is extensive documentation that these groups were armed and organized by Russia and France, and received financial help from missionary organizations.

    It is common knowledge that relocation of populations during wars and national emergencies is not a measure that has been resorted to solely by the Ottoman State. The exchange of Greek and Turkish populations (as seen fit, inter alia, by Winston Churchill) was agreed to at the Lausanne Peace Conference. During the Second World War, as a precautionary measure, the United States had interned 300,000 of its own citizens of Japanese origin for several years under dire conditions for fear of their collaboration with an enemy thousand of kilometers away in another corner of the globe. US Courts later recognized this measure as legitimate. At the end of this war, six million German inhabitants of Central Europe were deported to Germany by a decision taken at the Potsdam and Yalta conferences. The insufficient organization, logistics and in particular poor protection provided by the victorious Allied armies were the main causes of the death of at least 1,000,000 Germans. If the Ottoman armies fighting on five fronts could not provide sufficient protection to relocated groups, or could not prevent losses caused by natural causes and diseases, this was not due to an intent to destroy these groups but resulted from the insufficiency of their means and resources under war conditions.

    In fact, immediately after the War, Allied Governments were unable to put forth a single genuine document proving the Ottoman Government’s intent to annihilate their Armenian subjects. However, there is abundant documentation to the contrary. The Ottoman Ministry of Interior had given strict instructions for the protection of these people, monitored their progress, warned or punished those officials who had failed their duties and diverted considerable sums for logistics from the war budget. We are not aware of another example of a government that permitted its subjects to receive foreign humanitarian assistance while acting at the same time with the intent of killing them. By permitting the continuation of the activities of the American missionaries and the distribution of relief material to relocated Armenians without hindrance, both the Ottoman and Nationalist governments had showed that they did not harbour such intent. Besides clearly attesting to this fact, report No.192 of the “Near East Relief” approved by the joint session of the Senate’ House of Representatives on 22 May 1922, provides invaluable information regarding the numbers of those assisted (obviously alive) and the emigration movements, thus confuting the exaggerated numbers presented as corresponding to the victims of the relocation.

    How could this be designated as genocide if the State took all measures possible under the conditions of war to ensure the protection of the relocated population?

    The malicious exaggeration that 1,500,000 Armenians died has no basis in fact. According to Ottoman census figures, the total Armenian population at that time in Turkey was 1,294,000. It is estimated that about 900,000 of them living in Eastern Anatolia were to be subjected to relocation; meaning their transfer and resettlement within the territory of the same state. Ottoman documents also show that 220,000 of the relocated subjects later returned to their homes. Even if credit is given to American documents only, the report of the American Consul in Aleppo informing his government of the safe arrival and resettlement of 500,000 Armenians in his consular area appears to challenge these exaggerated figures, which presume a death toll higher than the total Armenian population of Anatolia. The registers of several Western Governments recorded large numbers of Armenian immigrants and refugees. Russian records and report No.192 of the “Near East Relief” show that no less than 350,000 Armenians followed the retreating Russian forces or preferred to emigrate instead of returning to their homes at the end of the War. The 132000 children mentioned in the draft resolution as being adopted by American families should be added to these figures. A simple calculation made by demographers is sufficient to prove the unrealistic exaggeration of these figures: If the present global Armenian population is accepted as the descendants of the purportedly such a limited number of Armenians to have survived the relocation, this would mean a population explosion unheard in the history of mankind. By the same rate of growth, the present day population of Turkey would have reached three hundred million, almost equal to the population of the United States, instead of the present 72 million.

    Prominent scholars (Turkish, American or others), refute these exaggerations as the remnants of war propaganda (as later acknowledged by British historian Arnold Toynbee) or as the products of ethnic and religious bias. The same bias also explains the lack of any reference to Turkish-Muslim deaths.

    Of course, the number of casualties is important. However, in order to qualify such unfortunate events as “genocide”, it is not the numbers, but credible, documented proof about the existence of the intent to destroy a people as such that needs to be established. At the end of the same war, Allied governments who were in possession of all official records and archives could not produce any credible document or evidence proving this element of intent. They consequently released all the ministers and parliamentarians who were detained or interned in Malta for prosecution of war crimes.

    As the Republican generations of our nation, we may not relish delving into the sad pages of our history. However, this does not mean that we are not prepared to face the truth. We acknowledge also the human suffering in the histories of other nations including those of the colonial period . We object, however, to the misuse of these events for revanchisme and narrow political or other interests. In our country, speaking for or against a version of the events of 1915 is not prohibited by law in contrast to the practices of some other countries. The Turkish Government has formally proposed the formation of a commission composed of Turkish and Armenian scholars and the opening for their examination of all state archives, including the archives of the Armenian organizations that had spearheaded the uprisings. The refusal so far to accept joint and impartial research is the irrefutable evidence of the lack of good-will behind the genocide accusations. We have therefore to conclude that not us, but those who refuse objective research, are afraid of facing the truths of their own history. We will wait patiently for a positive answer, because it is only through dialogue that reconciliation can ever be attained between the Turkish and Armenian nations.

    We hope that the Honorable members of the Congress will recognize the risks of the formalization by legislative fiat of such contested allegations by political decisions, parliamentary or otherwise. To attempt to codify history in a political context is bound to have serious implications well beyond the subject matter of that Resolution. “Genocide” is a legal concept defined in the 1948 UN Convention and only a due and impartial legal process carried out by a competent court can certify its existence and issue an indictment to this effect. We would expect that the Congress of the United States, itself an edifice of law, to refrain from acting as a self-appointed tribunal.

    We believe that the final objective of any survey of the events of the late 19th and early 20th centuries should be to promote peace and mutual understanding between the Turks and Armenians. These two peoples lived together for almost ten centuries in friendship and cordiality. We should therefore ask : What other interests are served besides the self-serving interests of the “Armenian Genocide” industry, were the Congress to adopt such a resolution? Will it help the on-going delicate process of normalization of relations between Turkey and Armenia or the resolution of the the issue in contention? Will it serve the interests of Armenia, or of the United States? And finally, what impact it would have on Turkish-American relations which are no less important today than they were in the past?

    Some in the Republic of Armenia or elsewhere may consider such allegations as politically useful, even a convenient cover for the occupation of a fifth of the territory of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the displacement of more than one million people from their homes. Even recent history shows that such illusions can only serve to fuel feelings of injustice and pave the way to enmities and new conflicts. Victimized and offended peoples would legitimately consider any cooperation with the aggressors and offenders as immoral. The feelings of the Turkish people, which consider Azerbaijan as a sister nation, cannot be much different.

    Turkey was among the first to recognize (for the second time in modern history) the independence of Armenia, lending a helping hand for the development of relations based on legally binding bilateral and multilateral treaties. The responsibility of the present unsatisfactory state of relations falls upon the extremists supported by Diaspora organizations which do not seem to care about the indefinite postponement of the normalisation of relations between Turkey and Armenia. These elements prevent the Armenian State from following the path of reason, moderation and reconciliation.. No reasonable observer can overlook the benefits which a land-locked Armenia with scarce natural resources, reduced to the position of a forward military base of the Russian Federation stands to gain from regional cooperation in the Caucasus. The harm done to the true interests of the Armenian people struggling with poverty is obvious.

    The Honorable members of Congress should therefore take into consideration that the adoption of this Resolution will undoubtedly pose new barriers to the Turkish and Armenian governments in their search for common understanding and solutions concerning these issues.

    The adoption of this draft resolution will inevitably create serious complications affecting Turkish-American relations as well. How one can imagine that the Turkish people could overlook the injustice done by the highest political authority of its long-time ally if the Congress fails to take the slightest trouble to consider arguments other than those raised by ethnic Armenian activists? For some governments and political bodies to act under the impulse of local political interests may be attractive; however, we believe such motives should not overshadow their even more important responsibility in regards to international moral, legal, strategic and political implications of their actions. With regard to the extreme Armenian claims, the Turkish people will assess the actions and policies of our friends and foes on the basis of what stand they take on our views and arguments.. Provoking sentiments of injustice and discrimination can only benefit the radical ideologies

    It is unthinkable that the Turkish people tolerate and forget about the injustice done, if the US Congress adopts this draft Resolution. That is bound to have a serious debilitating effect on Turkish-American relations which can reach the desirable level only with the support of the peoples. The many possibilities of cooperation between Turkey and the USA in the Middle East, the Caucasus, the Balkans, in Afghanistan,Iraq, in the field of energy, in the joint struggle against terrorism and other transnational challenges are likely to suffer as a result. The goodwill already generated by the planned visit of President Barrack Obama to Turkey may be lost.

    We certainly would not relish the happening of such negative developments in the relations of the two allies who had fought against common foes side by side in the distant corners of the globe. What we are asking now from the Honorable members of the US Congress is to be fair and refuse to adopt this draft resolution based on the distortion of history and on an ideology of hatred and revanchism. It is only through justice, fairness and truth that Turkish-American friendship and cooperation can endure and the real interests of the Armenian nation can be served.

    Ali Hikmet Alp
    ahalpi @ gmail.com