Category: Cyprus/TRNC

  • Secret deals in Cyprus that gave Asil Nadir big break

    Secret deals in Cyprus that gave Asil Nadir big break

    By Chris Summers BBC News

    Asil Nadir arrives with his wife Nur at the Old Bailey in London in 2011 Asil Nadir with his second wife, Nur, who was still a child when he fled the UK in 1993
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    • Asil Nadir jailed for 10 years
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    Former tycoon Asil Nadir has been jailed for 10 years after being convicted by a British court of stealing millions of pounds from his Polly Peck business empire.

    Nadir got his big break in business after the Turkish invasion of Cyprus.

    “He is a symbol in Cyprus,” says veteran Greek Cypriot politician Alexis Galanos, “for the taking of land and property that did not belong to him and was given to him by [the late Turkish Cypriot political leader, Rauf] Denktash.”

    In the 1980s and early 90s Asil Nadir was the darling of the City of London as the share price of his Polly Peck International (PPI) empire went up and up.

    The business collapsed in October 1990, and three years later he fled to northern Cyprus.

    But it has since emerged his big break may have come as a direct result of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974.

    Nadir was born in northern Cyprus in 1941, the son of a modest Turkish Cypriot businessman, and grew up in the Agios Loukas district of Famagusta.

    He had several Greek Cypriot friends at school and never promoted nationalist views.

    People who knew him say politics always played second fiddle to money.

    In 1963 he moved to London and set himself up in business as ethnic tensions were emerging in his homeland.

    View of Famagusta from UN post Famagusta, where Asil Nadir grew up, is now largely deserted as Cyprus reunification talks grind on

    Nadir looked on from afar as Turkey invaded in 1974, following a coup by Greek nationalists in Nicosia.

    Nadir gave his own take on the invasion to the jury at his recent trial: “There was a problem with the two communities and there were three signatories to the Cyprus [1960 independence] treaty – Greece, Turkey and Britain – to make sure they did not annihilate each other.

    “[In 1974] Britain and Greece declined and Turkey, after consultation with Britain, went in there and intervened.”

    When the dust settled the Turks found themselves in possession of property, factories and orchards abandoned by their fleeing Greek Cypriot owners.

    ‘Many unknowns’

    Giving evidence, Nadir said: “After the war the island was split into two. There was a population exchange. All the Turks in the south went to the north and the Greeks in the north went to the south.”

    In the 1980s, the economy of the north, hit by a trade embargo, was in dire straits and Rauf Denktash sought out entrepreneurs within his community.

    Nadir volunteered, with one eye on the profit margin.

    Rauf Denktash (right) Nadir later fell out with Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash, who died earlier this year

    He told the Old Bailey trial he had not done anything improper but added: “Because of the settlement there were a lot of unknowns and a lot of difficulties and a lot of opportunities with properties.

    “The government in the north created property points that were given to people who were displaced from their previous areas. Property points were like title deeds and you could acquire the properties [left by the Greek Cypriots].

    “There was a legal market in Cyprus which my family was involved in.”

    Over the next few years Nadir took over a number of hotels, factories, warehouses and citrus fruit orchards.

    These included the Jasmine Court apartment complex in Kyrenia and the Constantia Hotel (since renamed the Palm Beach Hotel) in Famagusta.

    The Nadir trial was shown a glossy PPI promotional video, made in 1989, which featured both the Palm Beach and the Jasmine Court.

    Map of Cyprus

    It was also shown a 1988 contract by which the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) leased out Jasmine Court to PPI’s subsidiary, Voyager Kibris.

    Yiannis Varnava, who fled the Constantia at the time of the invasion aged 15, told the BBC: “We left Famagusta several days before the Turks came but it has been a working hotel ever since.”

    Famagusta, which was an overwhelmingly Greek Cypriot town, is now part of the TRNC but it has a strong Greek Cypriot exile community and even a football team, Anorthosis, who play in exile in Larnaca.

    Mr Galanos, elected mayor-in-exile of Famagusta in 2006, says: “What happened in Cyprus cannot be remedied easily. It makes it very difficult to unify the island. Most of the Greek Cypriot owners are still trying to get compensation.”

    Citrus centre

    Along with large areas of fruit orchards, Nadir was also handed a fruit-and-vegetable packaging plant at Kato Zodia, near Morphou, which had belonged to a Greek Cypriot fruit growers’ co-operative, Sedigep.

    Fruit packing plant in TRNC This originally Greek Cypriot-owned fruit packing plant in northern Cyprus was taken over by Asil Nadir

    Panicos Champas, general secretary of the Union of Cypriot Farmers, told the BBC: “From an early age I used to help my parents with the farm we had in Kato Zodia.

    “Now, 200 metres from our house is the packaging factory where, we learned, Asil Nadir illegally traded our products, utilising the factory owned by us producers.”

    Mr Champas said, in his opinion: “Asil Nadir is an illegal merchant who has been exploiting our properties for many years and gaining money at our expense.”

    Nadir referred in court to Morphou by its Turkish name, Guzelyurt, and said that 80% of citrus grown on the island grew in this area.

    PPI, he said, owned thousands of citrus plantations in the Morphou area.

    In 1980 he took over PPI, and its early success was built on fruit juice.

    PPI’s main subsidiaries were Uni-Pac Packaging and Sunzest Trading.

    ‘For virtually nothing’

    Many people in the Greek Cypriot community, both on the island and in the UK, believe the leg-up Nadir was given by Mr Denktash played a considerable part in his rise.

    Kyrenia Kyrenia – known to the Turks as Girne – is now a prime holiday destination

    Costas Apostolides, an economist and journalist with the Cyprus Mail, was the first to write about Nadir’s property deals in the 1980s.

    He told the BBC: “He received various properties for virtually nothing. Initially it was citrus-growing areas and later hotels and a large complex of flats in Kyrenia.”

    Mr Apostolides said Nadir had been given large tracts of land at Alacati (Alagadi) and Voukalida (Bafra), both of which had beautiful beaches and “fantastic potential” for tourist development.

    By the late 1980s, he was the doyen of entrepreneurs and was raising millions from shareholders.

    But Mr Apostolides said: “This land belonged to displaced people. They have not cost [the Turks] anything and you are then giving them to somebody else to exploit.”

    Nadir’s trial at the Old Bailey heard allegations the 71-year-old had stolen more than £100m from PPI between 1987 and 1990 and fed it back to banks in the TRNC.

    Mr Denktash, his political ally, sheltered him after he jumped bail in 1993 and fled back to the island, but publicly broke with him the following year.

    Mr Denktash called for his arrest on charges of tax evasion but no action was taken.

    As a citizen of the TRNC, a state only recognised by Turkey, he could not be extradited to the UK.

    Asil Nadir court sketch Asil Nadir told the trial he had become involved in the “legal market” for property in northern Cyprus

    Eleni Meleagrou, a lawyer specialising in reclaiming Greek Cypriot property in the north, said she herself had discovered that an area of orange groves which belonged to her father had ended up in Nadir’s hands.

    Ms Meleagrou, the former wife of writer Christopher Hitchens, said: “A plot in Kapouti, near Morphou, had been leased by the TRNC to Asil Nadir to use as a plant producing orange juice from the orange groves in the area.”

    She is one of a number of Greek Cypriots who have applied to the Immovable Property Commission, a body set up by the TRNC to assess claims to ownership of land in northern Cyprus.

    The Turkish Cypriot authorities said recently the Immovable Property Commission had paid out £60m in compensation to Greek Cypriot land-owners.

    Nadir stayed a fugitive in northern Cyprus, occasionally venturing over to Turkey, until 2010 when he decided to return to the UK to face the music.

    But in 1998, eight years after PPI collapsed, four companies – the Marangos Hotel Company, Pharos Estates, Sedigep and Cyprus Ports Authority – took legal action against PPI’s administrators.

    The judgement in the Court of Appeal ruled the English courts had no jurisdiction to hear the claim.

    Nadir’s trial at the Old Bailey heard administrators had been unable to track down money in northern Cyprus.

    Philip Shears QC, prosecuting, said documents about the deposits said to have been made by his mother Safiye were fake.

    A map of the divided island in central Nicosia Nicosia in Cyprus – Lefkosa in Turkish – is the world’s last divided capital city

    Accountants who went to northern Cyprus were unable to speak to Mrs Nadir and had difficulty with the tycoon’s employees.

    “Administrators were met with obstruction, and inaccurate and inconsistent accounts and explanations,” said Mr Shears.

    Nadir has so far not replied to a series of questions from the BBC about his business dealings in Cyprus.

    He denied 13 sample counts of theft but was convicted of 10 after a seven-month trial and was jailed for 10 years on Thursday.

    Mr Apostolides says: “This was not just considered appalling by Greek Cypriots but also it was unfair to Turkish Cypriots because this was someone coming from outside who was given the chance to exploit the whole country.”

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  • Two Politically Equal and Sovereign Peoples Live on Cyprus

    Two Politically Equal and Sovereign Peoples Live on Cyprus

    The conflict in Cyprus has been ongoing for the past 57 years, since 1955 when the Greek Cypriot terrorist organization EOKA was established.

    Yet still there seems to be no sign of a settlement and no hope for one as well. Cyprus became part of the Ottoman Empire in 1571 and more than 300 years later, it was leased to Britain by Turkey with the agreement that Cyprus was to be returned to Turkey when Britain no longer wanted it.  Britain ruled Cyprus as a protectorate until 1914, when Turkey sided with Germany in the Great War. Britain then annexed Cyprus and assumed sovereignty, ruling it as a colony until 1960 when it became an independent republic.

    Although Cyprus has historically never been part of any Greek state, the population of Cyprus was changed dramatically by the British as from 1905 once Cyprus became a Crown Colony. The British began to allow Greeks to settle in Cyprus and communities were set up in Greece to encourage people to move to the island of Cyprus. Greek Cypriots became a majority on the island of Cyprus and remain so today.

    Around mid 1950s Britain decided to hand sovereignty over to the inhabitants of the island. Her decision was to transfer sovereignty jointly to the Turkish and Greek Cypriot peoples, for the “creation of an independent, partnership state in Cyprus.”

    It was on this basis that the constitution of 1960 was negotiated and the Treaties of Guarantee, Alliance and Establishment were finalized. It was at this point that the Republic of Cyprus came into being as an independent partnership state.

    The agreements that were made were based on equality and partnership between the two people in the independence and sovereignty of the island. The 1960 constitution required joint presence and effective participation on both sides in all organs of the state to be legitimate.

    Neither community had the right to rule other the other, nor could one of the communities claim to govern the other. The aim of the basic articles of both the constitution and the subsequent treaties was to safeguard the rights of the two peoples as equals.

    It was hoped that the two peoples of the island and their new partners would be able to live peacefully together under this new political partnership. It soon became obvious that this was not going to be possible.

    It became clear that the Greek Cypriots and Greece did not intend to abide by the constitution. They did not give up their ambition for the annexation of the island to Greece, and the Greek Cypriot leadership sought to unlawfully bring around constitutional changes. In effect, this would negate the “partnership” status of the Turkish Cypriots and clear the way for annexation with a Turkish minority. The only way that the Greek Cypriots could achieve their aims was to destroy the legitimate order, by the use of force, and to overtake the joint-state. The rule of law collapsed on the island in 1963 as a result of a ruling by the Supreme Constitutional Court of Cyprus.

    The Turkish Cypriots took the Greek Cypriots to court because the Greek Cypriots refused to obey the mandatory provision of separate municipalities for the two communities. The court ruled against the Greek Cypriots, and as expected they ignored the courts’ ruling.

    After this the Greeks tried to get eight basic articles of the 1960 Agreement abolished. These articles were there to protect the Turkish Cypriots, and so by removing them the Turkish Cypriots would be reduced to a minority subject to control by the Greek Cypriots. Christmas 1963 saw Greek Cypriot militia attack Turkish Cypriot communities across the island killing many men, women and children. Around 270 mosques, shrines and other places of worship were desecrated. The constitution became unworkable, because of the refusal on the part of the Greek Cypriots to fulfill the obligations to which they had agreed. The bi-national republic which was imagined by the Treaties ceased to exist after December 1963. The Greek Cypriot wing of the “partnership” State took over the title of the “Government of Cyprus” and the Turkish Cypriots, who had never accepted the seizure of power, set up a Turkish administration to run their own affairs.

    In the end, the Greek Cypriot state was internationally recognized under the title of the “Government of Cyprus,” was brought into the EU, and the Turkish Cypriots were forced in 1985 to unilaterally declare their own administration under the name of the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus,” which still is not recognized.

    The two main peoples on Cyprus, the Turks and the Greeks, share no common language besides English, no common religion and no common literature, nor do they, except on the surface, share any common culture, from the past until the present. A “United Cyprus” or a “United Federal Republic of Cyprus” is a utopian idea that has no hope of realization.

     

    Ata ATUN

    ata.atun@atun.com

    August 9, 2012

  • Is It A Petrol Crisis Or A Trick For Sovereignty

    Is It A Petrol Crisis Or A Trick For Sovereignty

    Türkiye'nin Münhasır Ekonomik Bölgesi by Ata ATUN
    Exclusive Economic Zone of Turkey by Ata ATUN

    The Greek Cypriot Administration (GCA), finally managed to convey the artificially created petrol crisis based on the hydrocarbon exploration in her so called “Exclusive Economic Zone” in to the EU and European Parliament.

     

    Actually this was the target of the GCA, to create a dispute with Turkey and push Europe as a whole to deal with political issues provoked artificially by her self, with Turkey.

     

    Turkey is not a party to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, UNCLOS, due to the continental shelf demands of Greece for her Dodecanese islands in Aegean sea. Turkey duly did not accept the 12 nautical miles width of the territorial waters of the Dodecanese islands as declared by Greece on the bases of UNCLOS and noted this act as “Casus Belli”, a “Cause of war”.

     

    All the European countries recognized UNCLOS and are part of this Convention. According to UNCLOS, declaration of an Exclusive Economic Zone by an independent state strictly requires mutual agreement’s of the neighbor states around.

    Since Turkey is not a part of this convention, she already possesses her previously declared southern Continental Shelf stretching 200 nautical miles southwards starting from the baseline joining Gazipasha, the eastern tip of Antalya bay, with Kash, the western tip of Antalya Bay, according to the 1958 Geneva Convention.

    GCA had signed an Economic Cooperation agreement with Greece years before. Now she signed and agreement with Egypt delimiting their respective economic zones and providing for detailed offshore cooperation, while she also has agreed with Lebanon on a similar delimitation and cooperation.

     

    The Economic Cooperation agreement with Greece, covers and delimits the seas between Rhodes island and Western tip of Cyprus, extending 200 nautical miles southwards, shuts away to Turkey the western waters of Eastern Mediterranean sea.

    The Exclusive Economic Zone agreement with Egypt, covers all the waters with in Cyprus and Egypt and gives underwater sovereignty to Greece, Cyprus and Egypt.

    The Exclusive Economic Zone agreement with Lebanon, covers all the waters in between Cyprus and Lebanon as well.

     

    The target of these agreements is, to occupy Turkey’s southern Continental Shelf zone, to build a solid wall around Turkey’s southern shores and to isolate her from the seas of the Eastern Mediterranean Sea, with all the underwater and sea bed wealth underneath.

     

    Based on the 1960 Treaty of the Establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, the March 4, 1964 dated UN resolution No. 186, passed to stop the fierce inter-communal clashes on the island, contributed to the GCA the sovereignty and the role of Governing Government of the island of Cyprus.

     

    The protocol 10 of the Republic of “Cyprus’ Accession Agreement” to the EU, took into consideration the island of Cyprus as a single sovereign state and the GCA as the sole and only accredited “Government of Cyprus”, as well.

    Article 1(1) of Protocol 10 disregards the existence of Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and partnership rights of Turkish Cypriots in the so called Greek Cyprus Government, and defines the territories under the sovereignty of TRNC as “the areas of the Republic of Cyprus in which the Government of the Republic of Cyprus does not exercise effective control”.

     

    The trick of the artificial petrol crisis lies on extending and spreading the sovereignty of the GCA to the territorial seas of “the areas of the Republic of Cyprus in which the Government of the Republic of Cyprus does not exercise effective control”, namely the waters of TRNC, facing to Turkey, along the northern cost of the island and grasp the whole island, relying on to the 26 EU member states behind.

     

    Ata ATUN

    ata.atun@atun.com

  • In Cyprus, a new generation inherits a conflict

    In Cyprus, a new generation inherits a conflict

    Tell a Greek Cypriot that your next destination is the Turkish city of Istanbul, once the seat of empires, and there’s a chance you will be gently chided. “You mean `Constantinople,’” the conversation partner might say, referring to the former Byzantine capital, which fell to Ottoman armies in 1453.

    By CHRISTOPHER TORCHIA

    map of Cyprus lge2

    PYLA, Cyprus —Tell a Greek Cypriot that your next destination is the Turkish city of Istanbul, once the seat of empires, and there’s a chance you will be gently chided. “You mean `Constantinople,’” the conversation partner might say, referring to the former Byzantine capital, which fell to Ottoman armies in 1453.

    This allegiance to the past is tinged with defiance, a stubborn refusal to call a place by the name chosen by the inhabitants of a hostile country. But it is more recent civil strife and war, nearly half a century ago, that infuse the psyche of Cyprus, a Mediterranean island favored by vacationers for its sun and beaches. Â

    In a strange twist, divided Cyprus has taken on a role meant to unify, this month assuming the rotating presidency of the European Union, a six-month stint that gives it a self-promotional platform even as it scrambles for a multi-billion dollar bailout to support its troubled banks. In another quirk of split-screen Cyprus, it is seeking money from oil-rich Russia, an increasingly important friend, in addition to the EU, as it tries to avoid the austerity measures that would likely come with any European aid.

    At the heart of these dueling directions lies the “Cyprus problem,” as it is blandly known.

    Talk of a peace settlement between the island’s majority Greek Cypriot community and Turkish Cypriots that would end decades of political uncertainty is giving way to a sense that the problem is, unofficially, the default solution.

    “People are simply not interested in any form of power-sharing,” said Yiannis Papadakis, a social anthropologist at the University of Cyprus. “There is a strong denial of this reality.”

    Papadakis said the problem is so consuming that it has sapped will on both sides to debate migration, the environment, women’s rights and other important social issues. He questioned whether they can compromise and trust each other if they ever reach a political settlement.

    Cyprus, which joined the EU in 2004, split into an internationally recognized, Greek-speaking south and a Turkish-speaking north after a 1974 invasion by Turkey, a reaction to a coup attempt by supporters of union with Greece. Travel restrictions between the two sides have relaxed, but negotiations on security and territory foundered. Only Turkey, whose EU candidacy has stalled partly because of the impasse, recognizes the government in the north.

    The result is an island that is not quite a nation, with an identity that is the sum of its shards. When George Andreou became the first Cypriot to climb Mount Everest and held up his nation’s flag at the summit in May, it was a reminder of division as well as a symbol of unity.

    The flag, designed by a Turkish Cypriot and adopted in 1960 after independence from British rule, shows a map of the whole island and two olive branches, a symbol of peace between communities. But Turkish Cypriots use a flag that is a variation of the star and crescent emblem of Turkey, their patron.

    In his rucksack, Andreou, 39, also carried the old flag of his hometown Famagusta, which he and his ethnic Greek family fled ahead of Turkish forces, less than one year after he was born. The climber has never returned to his house in Famagusta, where Turkish Cypriots now live, because he thinks it would help to legitimize Turkish forces based in the northern part of the island.

    “It is like I never lived my childhood or I refused to remember,” Andreou wrote in an email. “I know from my parents that they had been very difficult years since we left everything behind, hoping we would go back soon. It never happened. Instead, we lived in houses without doors and windows, in tents, in the fields, anywhere just to stay safe and away from war.”

    Days after Andreou, a banker, returned from the Himalayas, his wife gave birth to their first child, who may grow up to discover the same sour politics. The same goes for the 3-year-old daughter of Ahmet Sozen, a Turkish Cypriot research director at Cyprus 2015, a group that seeks to promote joint understanding.

    Sozen said the uncertainty goes back to the 1950s, when his father, now 80 years old, was a police officer in a British administration fighting a Greek Cypriot guerrilla group that sought union with Greece.

    While today’s stalemate is violence-free, Sozen maintains the ethnic Greek-Turkish divide has a corrosive impact on Cypriot psychology.

    “I don’t want my little daughter to go through the same thing in her life,” said Sozen, who was inspired to become a professor of politics in order to help find a solution, even though his self-described “life mission” sometimes exhausts and frustrates him. Polls by his group indicate that Turkish Cypriots, who have leaned toward living apart because of fears of being dominated, and Greek Cypriots, who have tended to prefer a one-state island dominated by their majority, are moving further from the compromise of a power-sharing federation.

    Greek Cypriots fear encroachment from Turkey, a rising power that objects to Greek Cypriot plans for off-shore oil and gas exploration. They highlight past suffering, but gloss over the question of 1960s attacks on Turkish Cypriots. Turkish Cypriots resent the Greek Cypriot rejection of unification in a 2004 referendum.

    “As more time passes, it’s not good for the result, meaning that people are not moving toward the solution spirit. On the contrary,” said Sozen, noting that the problem is exacerbated by a gap between Cypriots and their leaders. “People are alienated in the sense that the common people are shut away from the official process. The general public is not really informed by what is happening.”

    In February, Turkish Cypriot leader Dervis Eroglu said negotiations with the Greek Cypriot leader left “a zucchini taste in the mouth,” a Turkish way of saying they have grown bland.

    His Greek Cypriot counterpart, President Demetris Christofias said in May that talking to Eroglu was like trying to knock down a wall by throwing eggs at it.

  • Turkish Cypriots Shackled in Life, Shackled in Sport

    Turkish Cypriots Shackled in Life, Shackled in Sport

    image001

    Sunday, 22nd July 2012:  The British Turkish Cypriot Association (BTCA) in conjunction with the human rights group Embargoed!, held a protest outside The London Hilton on Park Lane, the International Olympic Committee’s (IOC) official headquarters for the London 2012 Olympic Games.

    The group was passing on the messages and sentiments of all Turkish Cypriots to once again remind the IOC of their promises to world athletes which is to ignore political differences within the spirit of the Olympic Games.

    The main theme banner depicted a logo which read:

    “Turkish Cypriots Shackled in Life, Shackled in Sport” and then asks:  “WHY ?”.

    However, the answers to this question seem as complicated as the Cyprus problem itself and this again demonstrates the double standards practiced upon the Turkish Cypriot people.

    BTCA Chairman, Cetin Ramadan, said in a letter to Mr. Jacques Rogge:

    As the spirit of the Olympics finally hits the East end of London and the country as a whole, the excitement builds but Turkish Cypriots have mixed feelings about the whole affair.  Many British Turkish Cypriots have expressed their dismay, sadness and disappointment at the exclusion of Turkish Cypriot athletes in the forthcoming London Olympic Games.  As the BTCA, we have been called upon to channel their heartfelt grievances and request a reason why the IOC cannot accept Turkish Cypriots participating under the Olympic flag.

    Regardless of the political circumstances in Cyprus, this should not be used as a reason to bar Turkish Cypriots from sport.  We cannot understand why the IOC has denied participation of Turkish Cypriot athletes in the London 2012 Olympic Games especially as they are willing to compete as individual athletes under the Olympic flag, similar to athletes from other countries.

    The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus has produced world class athletes such as taekwondo World Champions Ziya Gokbilen and Pinar Akarpinar.  But despite proving their world class competence and status, their request to compete under the Olympic flag was denied.

    We believe that the discrimination of this magnitude represents a particularly vicious form of unreason and fear in the search for a UN sponsored political agreement in Cyprus.  We believe it is precisely the mission of the IOC to dispel any such future actions by setting an example of the importance of diversity at a European and global platform.

  • Turkish airline company starts TRNC-Lebanon flights

    Turkish airline company starts TRNC-Lebanon flights

    AA

    atlasjet

    Turkish airline company Atlasjet launched flights between TRNC and Beirut, Lebanon via southern province of Adana as of July 3.

    LEFKOSA

    Turkish airline company Atlasjet launched flights between Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and Beirut, Lebanon via southern province of Adana as of July 3.

    The flights are being held on Tuesdays and Fridays.
    TRNC Tourism, Environment and Culture Minister Unal Ustel said that these flights would contribute to improvement of tourism and education sectors as well as commercial relations between TRNC and Lebanon.
    The number of foreign tourists visiting TRNC in the first six months of 2012 rose by 20 percent, Ustel said.