Category: Armenian Question

“The great Turk is governing in peace twenty nations from different religions. Turks have taught to Christians how to be moderate in peace and gentle in victory.”Voltaire’s Philosophical Dictionary

  • Unanimous Ruling:  Krikorian Probably Made False Statements – Hearing on Sept. 3

    Unanimous Ruling: Krikorian Probably Made False Statements – Hearing on Sept. 3

    State hears Schmidt genocide case

    By Jon Craig • [email protected] • August 13, 2009

    COLUMBUS – U.S. Rep. Jean Schmidt’s Armenian-American opponent probably made false statements during the 2008 campaign about contributions she received from Turkish political action committees, a unanimous three-member panel of the Ohio Elections Commission ruled today.

    David Krikorian, an independent candidate now running as a Democrat, also claimed the Republican congresswoman denied the mass killings of Armenians during World War I constituted genocide. Schmidt’s attorney withdrew an elections complaint about that claim, as well as complaints about three other statements.

    The three-person panel Thursday found probable cause that Krikorian made false statements. Next, fhe full seven-member elections commission will hear evidence Sept. 3 to decide whether the statements were false. If they are, it could result in a written reprimand, a fine or, in rare cases, prosecution.

    Donald C. Brey, Schmidt’s Columbus attorney, argued, “It would be illegal, it would be a crime, for her to take money from a foreign government. . . It’s a false statement.”

    Brey denied Krikorian’s claim that Schmidt’s campaign received $30,000 in “blood money” from Turkish PACs and Turkish people.

    “We actually wanted them to find probable cause,” Krikorian said afterward, complaining he’s been unable to get Schmidt to discuss the Turkish contributions during the campaign. “Jean Schmidt brought these frivolous charges against me. She’s afraid of facing me in an election. She’s not used to people speaking the truth.”

    Christopher P. Finney, Krikorian’s Cincinnati attorney, told the election panel that the Turkish government has poured campaign money into the U.S. government so it does not recognize the Armenian genocide of the early 1900s. “We’re actually disappointed we won’t have a hearing on her being a genocide denier,” Finney said.

    The debate spilled out into the commission lobby after the hearing: Krikorian attempted to argue facts of the case with Brey. “You can’t bring charges and drop them,” Krikorian said.

    “Actually you can,” Brey replied, saying an honorable man, if he tells a lie, would ultimately apologize.

    “I don’t understand why he doesn’t say he misspoke,” Brey told the Enquirer.

    Eventually, Finney got pulled into the verbal fray: “I’m the one who convicted her of making a false statement,” Finney said of an earlier campaign complaint against Schmidt. The Ohio Elections Commission doesn’t convict people, Brey countered. Both attorneys dared the other to file new grievances.

    From: 

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  • ARMENIA: PUTIN VISIT TO TURKEY SPARKS HOPES AND FEARS IN YEREVAN

    ARMENIA: PUTIN VISIT TO TURKEY SPARKS HOPES AND FEARS IN YEREVAN

    NOTE: Below is Armenian view of Putin’s visit to Turkey. Aram Safarian, a member of the Prosperous Armenia Party, part of Armenia’s government coalition declared that Armenia and Russia are strategic partners. Last year Russian planes used Armenian air fields to attack Georgia, a friend of NATO. Armenia continues to occupy 20% of Azerbaijan territory. Azerbaijan is a U.S. ally

    Bunch of American legislators are circulating letters in congress on behalf of Armenia, an admitted Russian strategic ally against Turkey, a staunch ally of U.S. and member of NATO.

    What is wrong with this picture?

    Eurasia Insight:

    ARMENIA: PUTIN VISIT TO TURKEY SPARKS HOPES AND FEARS IN YEREVAN

    Haroutiun Khachatrian: 8/11/09

    Haroutiun Khachatrian is an editor at Noyan Tapan news service in Yerevan, and a specialist in economic reporting. His reports also appear on EurasiaNet.

    Armenians watched Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin’s August 6-7 visit to Turkey with a mixture of hope and suspicion. While many in Yerevan see potential benefits arising out of closer Turkish-Russian ties, worries persist among Armenian leaders and experts that Turkey’s importance in the eyes of the Kremlin may come to outweigh that of Armenia.

    Officially, there was no indication that the issue of Armenian-Turkish relations was discussed in any form during Putin’s trip to Ankara. The visit led to Turkey’s agreement to environmental impact studies relating to the Russian-backed South Stream gas pipeline project, as well as the signing of accords on Russian construction of a nuclear power plant, the country’s first.

    So far, the Armenian government has adopted a neutral tone on the visit. But after more than a year of attempts at normalizing relations with Turkey and reopening the Armenian-Turkish border, the visit nevertheless stirred mixed feelings in Yerevan. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

    “Of course, it is not a pleasant thing to see your strategic partner [Russia] building ambitious programs with countries with which Armenia has problems,” the online magazine new.am quoted MP Aram Safarian, a member of the Prosperous Armenia Party, part of Armenia’s government coalition, as saying.

    Yet in the energy sphere, Armenian and Russian interests can easily coincide with those of Turkey, noted Alexander Iskandarian, director of the Yerevan-based Caucasus Institute. “Russia is a major shareholder in the Armenian energy system and is interested in the possibility of exporting Armenian electricity to Turkey. This indicates that Turkish-Russian contacts are beneficial to Armenia,” he said.

    Electricity exports to Turkey were expected to start in April-May 2009, but so far have not begun. There has been no official explanation for the delay, but, presumably, diplomatic obstacles are to blame.

    One opposition member, though, believes that Russia’s involvement in Turkey may upset the existing balance of power in the South Caucasus, with uncertain results for Armenia.

    “Russia has already somewhat shattered the balance in the region by intensifying its contacts with Turkey and, especially, with Azerbaijan,” said political analyst Styopa Safarian, a MP affiliated with the Heritage Party and member of parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee. Moscow recently signed an agreement with Baku on gas sales to the Russian republic of Dagestan and named a price for gas purchases from the second phase of the country’s ambitious Shah Deniz project. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

    Other experts are more optimistic, believing that the Kremlin will push officials in Ankara to reopen Turkey’s border with Armenia. Such a development would ease Armenia’s ability to export goods. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. “Russia, in fact, is interested in opening the Turkish-Armenian border, as after the August 2008 war, it lost Georgia as a route to Armenia, its military and economic partner,” observed Iskandarian.

    Whether that interest is sufficiently strong to have prompted Putin to try and decouple the reopening of the border from the Karabakh peace process remains unknown, however. Ankara has insisted that Armenia meet a set of conditions on the conflict before it will reopen its border with Armenia. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

    In late July, President Serzh Sargsyan stated that he would not visit Turkey in October unless the border is open or is close to opening by that time. [For details, see the Eurasia Insight archive].

    Turkey maintains that it is sincere about wanting to see the border with Armenia reopen, although no noticeable progress has been made on this score recently. “Turkey has prospects in the Caucasus both in terms of Turkey-Armenia and Armenia-Azerbaijan relations,” Turkish Foreign Minister Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu said on August 9, the APA news agency reported. “That’s why Turkey is resolute to normalize the relations with Armenia and our contacts on this theme continue.”

    Editor’s Note: Haroutiun Khachatrian is an editor and freelance writer based in Yerevan.

  • Revealing Genocide Documents Found in Ottoman Archives

    Revealing Genocide Documents Found in Ottoman Archives

    By Harut Sassounian
    Publisher, The California Courier

    It is a known fact that numerous documents on the Armenian Genocide were either destroyed or hidden away by the Turkish government. Determined researchers, however, can still discover materials in the Ottoman archives that shed light on important events and personalities of that tragic period.
    In recent years, the Turkish government has selectively published some of the more innocuous Ottoman documents, in order to counter criticism that it was concealing incriminating evidence on the Armenian Genocide. Millions of other documents, however, still remain inaccessible to the general public because researchers have to go to Istanbul and request a particular document by its file number, and pay a processing fee. Even if the documents are obtained, few people within and outside Turkey can read and comprehend them, as they are written in Ottoman Turkish and difficult to decipher Arabic script.
    The California Courier was recently able to obtain from the Ottoman archives important documents regarding the tragic fate of prominent ARF (Dashnak) activist E. Agnouni, who was born around 1865 in Meghri, Armenia. He studied at the University of Geneva and was active in Armenian political movements in Georgia, Russia and France. In 1904, while in Paris, Agnouni supported the efforts of the Young Turk Party to overthrow Sultan Abdul Hamid. After returning to Constantinople (Istanbul), he actively participated in the Young Turk revolution of 1908. He then toured the Armenian communities of Europe and the United States. Agnouni was arrested in Istanbul on April 24, 1915 — along with hundreds of prominent Armenians — and subsequently murdered.
    Prior to his arrest, Agnouni had written a heart-wrenching commentary, published in the April 16, 1915 issue of Asbarez, the Armenian language newspaper in Fresno. The article described disturbing scenes of Armenian soldiers fighting each other in the armies of their respective countries — Russia and the Ottoman Empire. In his article, Agnouni urged Armenian-Americans to come to the aid of their suffering compatriots back home.
    Not surprisingly, the Ottoman government had kept track of Agnouni’s every move. This was evidenced by our recent discovery in the Istanbul archives of the Turkish translation of his 1915 article. The translator was an Armenian official named Artin who worked for the Turkish government as a “Censor of Armenian newspapers.”
    Censor Artin added the following revealing note: “This translated article belongs to E. Agnouni. He is a member of the Dashnak Party. His real name is Khachadour Maloumian. He is a citizen of Russia. He came to Istanbul during the war and until recently did not do any work other than carrying out propaganda for his party. During his residence here, he made one or two trips to Europe. He is part of the last group that was deported and exiled.”
    Bishop Krikoris Balakian, who was among those rounded up by the Turkish government on April 24, 1915, narrated the following bone-chilling episode about Agnouni’s arrest in his monumental two-volume memoir titled, “Hay Koghkota,” (Armenian Golgotha). When Turkish police officers came to his house to arrest him, Agnouni asked in a state of shock: “Does Talat know about this?” Agnouni was completely dumb-founded when the officers showed him Talat’s signature on his arrest warrant. He asked: “I just had lunch with Talat — how come he did not say anything to me?”
    Agnouni was stunned by his arrest because he could not believe that Talat would betray him after he had saved his life during the Young Turk revolution of 1908, by hiding him in his own home at the risk of his own life. According to Balakian, when Agnouni finally realized that he was being led to his death, he told his fellow prisoners: “I don’t regret dying, since I knew that death was inevitable. My only regret is that we were deceived by these Turkish villains.” Balakian expressed his deep regret that Armenians who put their trust in Turks realized their mistake too late – only when they were on their way to their deaths!
    Several new documents just obtained from the Ottoman archives reveal for the first time that the King of Spain made repeated efforts to obtain the release of Agnouni, Daniel Varoujan, Siamanto, and other prominent Armenians. It is not known what prompted the Spanish King to involve himself in such a humanitarian endeavor.
    In two letters dated April 24, 1916, and May 10, 1916, Spain’s Amb. Julian del Arroyo wrote to Turkey’s Foreign Minister Halil Bey, advising him that His Majesty King Alfonso XIII was asking Sultan Mehmed V to spare the lives of the above named Armenian prisoners. Regrettably, unbeknown to the Spanish King, these Armenians had been killed long before his praiseworthy intervention.
    Several recently obtained confidential memos between various Turkish officials indicate that Interior Minister Talat finally made up a fake story about the fate of these prominent Armenians. Talat wrote to Foreign Minister Halil Bey on July 25, 1916, asking him to advise the Spanish Ambassador that the Armenians in question, while being led to the Diyarbekir Military Court, had overcome their guards and escaped to Russia! Talat concealed the fact that the Armenian prisoners had been killed months before the Spanish King’s inquiry. This episode demonstrates that Talat was covering up his crimes as he was committing them!
    Reading these newly discovered memos written by Turkish leaders leaves no doubt that the Armenian Genocide was centrally planned and executed. Minister of Interior Talat ordered the deportation and execution of Armenians and demanded detailed reports on their movements and conditions. In some instances, Talat personally wrote letters inquiring about the whereabouts of several prominent Armenians!
    Despite all attempts to purge incriminating documents, ample evidence of Turkish complicity in the Armenian Genocide still remains in the Ottoman archives!
  • horrors of the Armenian genocide

    horrors of the Armenian genocide

    An uncompromising look at the horrors of the Armenian genocide

    01:00 AM EDT on Sunday, August 2, 2009

    By Michael Janusonis <[email protected]>

    Journal Arts Writer

    Paolo and Vittorio Taviani of The Lark Farm.

    AP / HENNY RAY ABRAMS

    The 13th Rhode Island International Film Festival officially begins its six-day run Tuesday night with a gala at the Providence Performing Arts Center, followed by a series of short films on the giant screen. But it will actually kick off Monday with a couple of special screenings: a 10 a.m. showing of Monsters Vs. Aliens 3-D at Providence Place Cinemas and a 6:30 p.m. screening at the Columbus Theater of Paolo and Vittorio Taviani’s 2007 historical epic The Lark Farm.

    Despite its bucolic name, The Lark Farm is an uncompromising look at the horrors of the Armenian genocide launched by the Turks in 1915, when World War I was going badly for them. The massacre was carried out amidst fears that the substantial Christian Armenian population, who had always been second-class citizens in the Muslim Ottoman Empire, was going to join the Russians who were fighting the Turks in the war.

    During the genocide, which began in 1915, many Armenian men were arrested and killed. The women and children were deported to a desert region near the Syrian border, though many of them perished during the forced marches. In the end, it is estimated that between 1 million and 1.5 million Armenians died in this holocaust. Unnervingly, their story parallels events that began two decades later in Germany when the Nazis attempted to exterminate the Jews of Europe.

    Trying to tell such a broad-based story is a daunting undertaking, except perhaps as a documentary. But the writing-directing Tavianis, who are in their late 70s and whose output over the decades includes the groundbreaking Padre Padrone and Night of the Shooting Stars, made this history very personal by focusing on one family as it struggled to survive in an increasingly bleak and trying situation.

    The Lark Farm revolves around the lives of the prosperous Avankian family, who live in a fine house in the city and have recently restored the big house at their homestead in the countryside, Lark Farm, to its former ornate grandeur. But the war has broken out, threatening the already wobbly Ottoman Empire, and the Avankians are hearing inklings that things will not go well for the Armenians.

    When the family patriarch dies at the start of the film, he warns with his dying breath to flee, but no one pays heed. His son, Aram (Tcheky Karyo), a wealthy businessman, believes things will pretty much continue as they always have with just a few rough spots. His beatific wife, Armineh (Arsinee Khanjian), puts up a brave front, but is not so convinced. His sister, the headstrong Nunik (Paz Vega), has fallen in love with a Turkish officer (Alessandro Preziosi), who plots to leave the army and flee with her across the border because he has heard rumors that bad things might come. “There’s no hope for us here. I’m a Turk and you’re Armenian,” he tells Nunik.

    It seems like a set-up for what will be a Romeo-Juliet romance, but The Lark Farm soon grows much darker even than that classic tale. Soon the resentment toward the Armenians, who are seen by some Turks as a sort of fifth column of traitors and spies, spirals out of control. Plans are afoot to arrest the Armenian leaders quietly, including Aram. But things quickly get out of hand when a hot-headed officer gets involved and events slip away from the control of the colonel who is in charge of this region. A decent man who has befriended the Armenians, he tries to prevent the killing, but is too late.

    The attack on the Avankians and their neighbors, who have arrived at Lark Farm in hopes of finding refuge from the Turks, is horrific and bloody. It sets the tone for the terrors that will follow, which will see most of the men murdered and the women sent off on a long march toward the desert with little food to sustain them. In desperation, some of them turn to selling sexual favors for a loaf of bread. Others are killed outright or left to die at the side of the road. The Lark Farm becomes a study in human cruelty.

    Cinematically, it’s powerful and yet that power is muted somewhat by the melodramatic way events unfold on screen. The Armenians are pictured as innocents and saints; most Turks as soulless monsters. Some scenes and characters are overplayed. At one point, a Turkish soldier who has arrived at the Avankian manse during their dinner, covetously looks at a tureen that’s filled with soup, spilling its contents on the table and making a grab for the tureen with greed in his eyes. There are many such scenes that lack subtlety.

    Nevertheless, the plight of the Avankians, whose brother in Italy desperately attempts to raise money to get them out of Turkey, is emotionally riveting. It expands to include the tale of a Muslim beggar who tries to help the family, which has always been good to him, hatching an elaborate rescue plan. It goes back to focus on Nunik who finds herself in a camp where she falls in love with another Turkish soldier and is involved in a selfless act to save what’s left of her family. Vega gives a poignant performance as Nunik, who has nowhere left to turn. She puts a face on the struggles of the Armenian people during this dark period.

  • Ambassador Kamuran Gürün passed away

    Ambassador Kamuran Gürün passed away


    ERMENI SORUNUNDA SON DERECE DETAYLI ARASTIRMALARI YAPAN VE PEK COGUMUZUN KULLANDIGI BILGILERI DEVSIREN SAYIN KAMURAN GURUN’UN ONUNDE HURMETLE EGILIR VE MEKANININ CENNET OLMASINI YUCE TANRIDAN DILERIZ

    DR. KAYAALP BUYUKATAMAN

    BASKAN, TURKISH FORUM

    KAMURAN GURUN

    By Gunduz Aktan

    Ambassador Gurun has sadly passed away. With his exemplary career and his abiding influence, undoubtedly he was one of the pillars to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of his generation, and ours.

    He was my first ambassador at my first post abroad, namely, the Turkish delegation to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). He arrived in mid-1970 from Bucharest, his first ambassadorial post. He was then barely 50-years-of-age. We were taking over economic representation from the Ministry of Finance, which had snatched them from us in the heat of the May 27 coup. Naturally, our colleagues from that ministry had been somewhat restless. They were afraid that the new ambassador would seek revenge.

    None of their fears materialized. He was an ambassador of all and for all. He treated everybody equally. Indeed, they were better off than us as they were treated as our guests. His convictions were deeply conservative, yet he was open-minded and liberal towards his staff. The first thing he did was to liberalize working hours. People were free to-come-and-go. They were responsible only for the work they did.

    I served for two years as his assistant at the Council and Executive committee meetings. I used to prepare his file by collecting information sheets from those who were in charge of the committees, together with the documents of the agenda. He used to receive a-half-hour briefing, either from me or a much longer one from others, depending on importance.

    He used to read fast, indeed, there was a rumor that he understood diagonal reading. He quickly grasped the gist of the matter and he hated verbiage. Yet I remember no one whose sermon was interrupted in staff meetings. Instead, our own show of impatience had been the subject of rebuke. For him, one ought to realize one’s own mistakes.

    He was laconic. He used to speak in a low voice with an anxious countenance, yet he was outspoken. He addressed the council the same way as he conversed with individuals. Although his French was very good, he never tried to pronounce like the French. He used to tease those who were infatuated with public address.

    Turkey was the poorest OECD member. It was there mainly due to being a member of NATO, in other words, for geo-strategic reasons. Our contribution to debates and to the work of the organization was constrained by this situation. Soon he felt frustrated and wanted an important bilateral post — and Athens was being vacated.

    While there an unfortunate event occured. While he was with Greek friends on a yacht in the Adriatic Sea, the Turkish military intervention in Cyprus began, he was later blamed for the consequences. Furthermore, he was accused of asking for permission to burn classified correspondence in case of an outbreak of war between Turkey and Greece. Those who were weary with his renowned courage took advantage of the situation and depicted him as a coward.

    Back in Ankara the illustrious part of his career seemed at an end, yet destiny had something new for him. The Sept. 12 administration made him secretary-general of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As expected, he did not condescend to avenge anybody. He tried hard to save the ministry from possible damage from the personnel reform carried out by the then administration. He was all alone in this enterprise. The traditional title of secretary-general was abolished and replaced by under-secretary, formally undermining the privileged status of the ministry when compared to others. The corresponding level of minister counselor was also lowered from director-general to assistant director-general. Such was the interpretation of the day, the military apparently wanted to have a unique position in the State structure, shunning the rivalry of the ministry.

    Once again frustrated, he was seemingly dispatched as ambassador to our embassy in Bonn, West Germany. However, they committed another mistake by not asking for his prior agreement. He refused and left the government service.

    Nevertheless, along with his heavy work-load as secretary-general, he achieved the unachievable; he wrote a book on the Armenian question, prompted by the Armenian murders of Turkish diplomats. A long-awaited response by Turkey to the Armenian allegations, the book entitled “Armenian File” treated the subject fairly and humanely, while shattering the genocide myth.

    Upon retirement, he wrote columns in newspapers. As was his style, they were simple, curt and to the point. I guess he had few readers, but that would not have been his concern in the least. He was one of the few ambassadors who wrote history rather than patchy anecdotes about our strange career. In his magnum opus, a trilogy on Turkish foreign policy, he was scholarly, but never intellectual.

    Above all, he was a man of integrity and honesty; rare commodities of our time.

    Together with Mrs. Gencay Gurun, who was a former diplomat herself, they made a formidable couple representing a misrepresented country.

    July 20, 2004

    By Denis Ojalvo

    The protagonist of Turkish-Jewish ties in the post 1980 military intervention era, former Undersecretary of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Kamuran Gürün passed away.
    By Denis Ojalvo

    In July 1980, Israel declared Jerusalem as its capital. In August, the Turkish government suspended the activities of its General Consulate in that city.
    On the 12th of September 1980, the Turkish army took control of the state in order to prevent an imminent civil war which, was about to be triggered by the daily clashes of left and rightwing militants.
    The National Security Council (NSC) consisting of the top military establishment of Turkey, appointed Ambassador Ilter Türkmen as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador Kamuran Gürün as his undersecretary.

    In his book titled Tumultuous Years – memoirs of an Undersecretary published in 1995, Ambassador Gürün provides his readers with first hand and most authoritative information regarding the debut of Turkey’s ties with the American Jewish Establishment.

    Since the assassination of its diplomats by an Armenian avenger in Los Angeles in 1973, the Turkish foreign policy making has been under the mortgage of genocide allegations by the Armenian Diaspora who has been pressing for the recognition as such, of the mass deportations and killings of Armenians which took place in 1915 in the Ottoman Empire’s Eastern Anatolian provinces.

    On the 15th of July 1974, The Greek Cypriot national Guards led by Nikos Sampson, made a coup in order to annex the island to Greece. This prompted an intervention by the Turkish military on the 19th of July, which lasted until the 22nd. Having obtained no tangible result, The Turkish military made a second landing on the 14th of August and took control of the northern part of the island.

    The Greek Americans mobilized their lobbying skills in order to drive the Turkish forces out of the island. By the same token, the Armenians jumped in the wagon and together with the Greek Lobby formed one of the most formidable Anti-Turkish fronts thwarting all American congressional resolutions regarding Turkey.

    Turkey’s efforts to deal with this phenomenon by enlisting the support of the Jewish Lobby date back to 1974 when the Governor of Istanbul Mr. Vefa Poyraz, upon instructions received from the government, established contact with the notables of the Turkish Jewish community and asked them to take part in Turkey’s efforts to explain the reasons of Turkey’s intervention in Cyprus.

    In the mean time on the 17th and 18th of December 1974, the Greek Lobby managed to have both the Congress and Senate vote a resolution on an arms embargo on Turkey. This resolution was effective as per the 5th of February 1975.

    The Armenian Lobby took advantage of the conjuncture and managed to have the Congress and Senate pass joint Resolution No. 148 on the 9th of April, designing April 24, 1975, as “National Day of Remembrance of Man’s Inhumanity to Man”.

    Jak kamhi and Fred Burla, two Jewish industrialists took part in the task force sponsored by the Turkish Industrialists Union which visited the USA on 6-16 September 1975 for lobbying against the arms embargo.

    Below is a summary of Ambassador Gürün’s contacts with The Jewish Lobby and the involvement of Turkish Jews in Turkey’s lobbying efforts, as reported in his previously mentioned memoirs.

    When he took office as under-secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Gürün inherited an even bleaker situation owing to the fact that on top of Turkey’s occupation of Northern Cyprus and Armenian Genocide allegations, he had to advocate the legitimacy of the newly established military regime in Turkey.

    Ambassador Gürün was seeking the support of the West against the raging Armenian terrorism which, in a span of 11 years from 1973 to 1984 claimed the lives of 41 Turkish diplomats and consular staff. In that scope, he thought that it was important to organize the Turkish Diaspora, especially the one in the USA, and establish a Turkish lobby which would explain to the world public opinion Turkey’s points of view on the afore mentioned subjects.

    Following the military intervention of September 12th 1980, Mordo Dinar, a Turkish lawyer and member of the Turkish Jewish community, contacted Ambassador Gürün in Ankara on his own initiative and proposed to organize meetings with the press and the audio-visual media. Ambassador Gürün contacted the Turkish Ambassador Adnan Bulak in Paris and asked him to cooperate with Mordo Dinar.

    Mordo Dinar who covered his own expenses, managed to block the broadcasting of certain French Television programs which, were unfavorable to Turkey. He was present during all meetings with the members of the Jewish Lobby, the following year in New York.

    According To Ambassador Gürün, Mordo Dinar and Jak Kamhi have been the first two persons with whom The Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs cooperated in order to explain the Turkish point of view especially in France and the USA, in order to forestall the adverse currents regarding Turkey.

    Jak Kamhi was the person who found the lawyer who represented Turkey in the case of the Orly Massacre perpetrated by Armenian terrorists.

    Ambassador Gürün established that the center of the Anti-Turkish activities sponsored by the Armenians was the American Congress in Washington. And that the Armenians were trying to enlist the Jewish Lobby to back their efforts.

    It was again, Jak Kamhi who through the Turkish Jewish and the American Jewish Communities, prevented the Armenians from taking part in the Holocaust Museum and who fulfilled an important role in the establishment of a Task Force of non-governmental prominent figures.

    Few people know the unforgettable services rendered by these two friends of ours.

    Mordo Dinar and Jak Kamhi deserve a great “Thank You”.

    On the 12th of February 1982 a delegation of the Jewish Community in Turkey led by the Chief Rabbi David Asseo and whose participants were Jak Kamhi, Jak Veissid and Eliezer Kohen visited the Head of the State General Evren.

    Ambassador Gürün prepared a report for the NSC meeting which, had to take place on the 18th of March 1982. One of the topics on the agenda was whether to allow the Jews of Turkey to participate to international Jewish gatherings. It was judged that the Turkish Jews provided proof they could lobby on behalf of Turkey in those forums. The head of State, General Evren, opened the matter for discussion. The Minister of Foreign Affairs Ilter Turkmen opposed the granting of a permission to Turkish Jews to participate to the meetings of the World Jewish Congress on the grounds that this would harm the relations between Turkey and the Arabs.

    Ambassador Gürün paid a visit to General Evren on the 24th of March 1982, before traveling to the USA where he was to meet with Jewish organizations. It was agreed between the two that his contacts would be kept secret for the time being. In his meetings with Jewish Organizations, Ambassador Gürün emphasized Turkey’s will to cooperate with these against terrorism and informed them on the allegations of Genocide made by the Armenians and their efforts to hide behind Jewish organizations. The Jewish organizations asserted that they would not contest historic events, but that they were ready to back Turkey and cooperate against terrorism.

    Mordo Dinar had a meeting organized by the vice-president of the International Law Society, Mr. Seymour Rubin (a Jew) where columnists from the New York Times, the Washington Post, Newsweek, Foreign Policy as well as commentators of the TV chain CBS participated along with specialists of the Middle east Institute. That meeting provided Ambassador Gürün with the opportunity to answer many questions regarding Turkey and its foreign policy, including the Armenian issue.

    Following Ambassador Gürün’s journey which lasted until the 1st of May, on the 21st, took place a meeting of the NSC where General Evren asked whether it was appropriate to allow Turkish Jews to participate in World Jewry’s meetings. This time the Minister of Foreign Affairs (Mr. Ilter Türkmen) did not oppose and General Evren gave the necessary instructions to the office of the Prime Minister who in its turn instructed the Governor of Istanbul accordingly on the 27th of May 1982.

    After the meeting, some participants asked the minister why he denied that permission during the previous meeting. The minister replied that he was opposed to contacts with the Jewish Lobby.

    Ambassador Gürün emphasized that the existential question Turks have to ask themselves is who would take advantage and who would be harmed by the weakening or dismemberment of Turkey? He points that in the setting of those days it would be difficult to assume that Russia, Bulgaria,Greece, Syria and Iraq would care. That Iran, Saudi Arabia and Jordan would be indifferent.

    The ones that would be nervous and unwilling to see Turkey weaken would be the USA and as strange as that may seem, Israel. Therefore, Ambassador Gürün suggested a NSC meeting to be convened in order to determine the interests of Turkey and fix the principal guidelines of its foreign policy.

    Ambassador Gürün pointed on two means for handling the Armenian Question, and the Kurdish Question when this one is likely to manifest itself. These are:

    1- To fulfill all of Turkey’s necessary obligations at the national level

    2- Given that Turkey is unable to achieve its goals all alone, to seek partners which share the same perspective and goals with Turkey at the conceptual and operational levels.
    He concluded that the only natural ally against the powerful Greek and Armenian Lobbies is the (American) Jewish Lobby.
    Under the given circumstances, taking advantage of the Jewish Lobby becomes a matter of national interest. Turkey cannot sit and watch, given the danger of dismemberment, just not to offend the Arabs. The interests of Turkey take precedence above any other thing.

    Ambassador Gürün pointed to the fact that the American Congress is abundant of Anti-Turkey propaganda and that if Turkey antagonized with the Jewish Lobby, not one decision favorable to Turkey would pass the Congress.

    He remarked that the Jewish Lobby was able to assert its will on the German Government, provide anxiety to the French, and fight with the Russian. In his opinion, what makes things move is not Israel but the Jewish Lobby. Turkey doesn’t need to contact this lobby officially to enlist its support. This could easily be done by Turkish Citizens (Turkish Jews). That is the reason why Ambassador Gürün has been in favor of allowing the representatives of the Turkish Jewish Community participate to the meetings of the World Jewish Congress.

    On the other hand, the Ministry reprimanded Turkish Americans for criticizing with an advertisement a plot against Israeli diplomats drawing parallels to plots perpetrated by Armenian terrorists against Turkish Diplomats. Ambassador Gürün thought that this reprimand by the Turkish Foreign Ministry was misplaced.

    On the 5th of May 1982, Ambassador Gürün submitted the NSC a report of 61 pages regarding his contacts abroad. He was received by the Head of State and told by the Secretary General of the NSC, General Necdet Urug, that all his oral and written suggestions were agreed with. His suggestions would be discussed in a meeting of the NSC to which would participate Ambassadors Sukru Elekdag of Washington, Coskun Kirca of New York and Adnan Bulak of Paris. The NSC meeting took place on the 21st of May 1982 and Ambassador Gürün read the “Reflections and remarks” part of his report. Ambassador Elekdag underlined the importance of the Jewish Lobby and stressed the necessity of establishing contacts with that lobby and the Israeli ambassador. Thus, Ambassador Gürün became aware of existing restrictive instructions on this subject. Ambassador Coskun Kirca mentioned Arab countries’ attitudes vis-à-vis Turkey at the United Nations and stressed the importance of the Jewish Lobby. In conclusion, the Head of State affirmed that it was in Turkey’s interest to take advantage of the Jewish Lobby.

    In his meeting with General Urug (Secretary General of the NSC), the latter told Ambassador Gürün that nobody until then thought about organizing a Task Force (consisting of non-governmental prominent figures) and lobbying organizations, and that if he could institutionalize this subject, he would have rendered the country a big service. General Urug requested Ambassador Gürün to commit himself to this task meticulously.

    Ambassador Gürün was received by the Head of State on the 8th of September 1982. In that meeting, he informed the latter of his divergences of opinion with the Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Ilter Türkmen, which caused communication problems.

    These were:

    1- That the Minister of Foreign Affairs opined that the Head of State should take part at the Islamic Conference without the presence of Ambassador Gürün.

    2- That the Minister of Foreign Affairs thought that Turkey’s relations with Israel should be suspended, whereas Ambassador Gürün was against such a measure.

    3- That the Minister of Foreign Affairs was against a cooperation with the Jewish Lobby, but that Ambassador Gürün was in favor of such relations.

    4- That since Ambassador Gürün’s points of view were met favorably (by the NSC), the Minister ceased discussing those points with him.
    In conclusion, we know that the points of view of the Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Ilter Türkmen prevailed on those of Ambassador Gürün and that his endeavours did not come to fruition during his tenure as undersecretary of state.

    However, that policy would change with the accession of Prime Minister Turgut Özal to power on the 13th of December 1983.

    From 1984 onwards, the relations between Turkey and the Jewish Lobby were nurtured. The culmination of the mutual efforts to enhance cooperation between the parties was the celebration of the Quincentennial (in 1992) of the welcoming of Spanish Jews who were expulsed from their country, in Turkish lands.

    The Turkish Jewish Community contributed its share to those relations with the blessing of consecutive American governments since then.

    Those relations led to a strategic partnership between Turkey and Israel in 1996.

    Both the Turkish and Israeli governments should not spare their efforts for safeguarding that precious relationship which took so much toil to achieve.

    We respectfully bow in front of the memory of this outstanding diplomat with exceptional foresight, H.E. Ambassador Gürün, the protagonist of renewed Turkish-Jewish ties, and send our condolences to his loved ones.
    Denis Ojalvo

  • Turkish POW Treatment by the British

    Turkish POW Treatment by the British

    Katran Kazaninda Sterilize book cover

    CLAIM 1
    From the book “Katran KazanInda Sterilize” (“Sterilized in Tar
    Cauldron”) by Imge Publications, written by Ahmet Duru who revealed
    the diary of the sub-lieutenant Ahmet Altinay from Karaman…

    “In WWI, 150 thousand of our soldiers were captured by the British.
    And some of these soldiers were imprisoned in Seydibesir Useray-i
    Harbiye Camp  near the city of Alexandria in Egypt. The full name of
    the camp was “Seydibesir Kuveysna Osmanli Useray-i Harbiye (4) Kampi”.
    In this camp, the Ottoman soldiers of 16th Division’s 48th Regiment
    who were captured at the Palestine fronts in 1918 were interned. For
    two years until June 12th, 1920, they were subjected to any kind of
    torture, oppression, heavy insults and humiliation.

    The reason for this inhumane treatment was the Armenians. The war was
    over. Nevertheless, to release the soldiers besides the ones who died
    because of heavy conditions in the camp was not to the benefit of the
    British. Because the British were brainwashed by Armenians, being told
    that in a potential new war they could come up against these soldiers
    again. The solution was massacre…
    Our soldiers, forced by bayonets, were put in disinfection pools with
    the excuse of wiping out germs. But the chemical, krizol, was added a
    lot more than normal in the water. Even just when they put their feet,
    our soldiers got scalded. However, the British troops didn’t let them
    get out of the pool by threatening with rifles.

    Turkish POWs, 1917

    Our soldiers didn’t want to put their heads under the water that
    reached waist level. But then the British started shooting in the air.
    Our soldiers knelt and put their heads under water not to die.
    But the ones who got their heads out of the water couldn’t see any
    more. Because the eyes were burned…The resistance of our soldiers who
    saw what happened to the ones that got out was no use and our 15
    thousand men got blinded.

    This savagery was discussed in May 25th, 1921, in the Turkish Great
    National Assembly. The congressmen Mr. Faik and Mr. Seref proposed
    that 15 thousand sons of this country were blinded in Egypt by being
    put in the “krizol” pool; and wanted the Assembly to make an attempt
    for punishment of the British physicians, commanders and soldiers who
    were guilty of this act.

    Of course the newly founded government had a thousand other problems.
    Demanding an explanation for this act was easily forgotten.

    The British commanders of the camp, because of the wrong, mendacious
    translations and provocations of Armenian translators who knew
    Turkish, had become fierce Turk enemies.

    COUNTER CLAIM
    The British run PoW camps in Egypt were regularly inspected by the
    diplomatic representatives of neutral countries and by the
    International Committee of the Red Cross
    Sidi Bishr Camp (Seydibesir Useray-i Harbiye Camp) was visited on 6th
    January 1917 and the report on that visit can be read in chapter 7,
    here
    Bryn

    CLAIM 2
    The other claim made by Yücel Yanıkdağ in his unpublished PhD thesis
    Ill-fated Sons of the Nation: Ottoman Prisoners of War in Russia and
    Egypt, 1914-1922 makes the claim that the British authorities
    deliberately infected Turkish POWs with Pellagra. This particular
    story is also doing the rounds of the “British plot to kill Turks
    inspired by Armenian” circuit and has equal credibility.

    COUNTER CLAIM
    The nub of the Pellagra claim is that the British deliberately singled
    out the Turks for ill treatment by inadequate diet leading to the
    ex-POWs having the highest death rate from Pellagra amongst all the
    other prisoners. On the basis of the death rate, it was concluded that
    Pellagra was a deliberate policy. That Turkish POWs died in great
    numbers from Pellagra is well documented in British sources. However,
    this churlish complaint does not mention that Pellagra takes 5-6 years
    to manifest itself into a fatal condition. No Turkish POW spent that
    long in their incarceration leading to the conclusion that these men
    suffered from Pellagra prior to becoming a POW. It wasn’t until the
    mid 1920’s that it was discovered that Pellagra was due to dietary
    problems.

    CLAIM 3
    Cholera  at Berramke Barracks in Damascus  was deliberate to kill Turks.

    COUNTER CLAIM
    A search of the Australian archives – every single available file
    relating to POWs is very much available and they provide information
    with the good and the bad. Nothing is covered up. The worst case
    regarded the 12,000 Ottoman soldiers who surrendered at the Berramke
    Barracks in Damascus after its fall on 1 October 1918. These men were
    deserted by their own support teams and left to fend for themselves
    without any resources with neither food nor medicines. After a few
    days being held as POWs, cholera broke out amongst this group. Over a
    two week period many hundreds of men died through cholera, the worst
    day recording over 150 deaths. By dint of hard work, the POWs were put
    to work to provide a satisfactory sanitation and drinking water
    system. Some men had to be coerced into working towards the common
    good. The result – cholera was brought under control. The deaths from
    cholera did not only effect the Turks but also the Australian, Indian,
    French and British soldiers in the area with many of these troops also
    dying.

    So the cholera outbreak at Damascus was not a sinister British plot to
    kill Turks, it was a problem brought on by the neglect of the Turkish
    command for the health of their soldiers and citizens in Damascus. The
    ordinary soldier in both the Allied forces and the Turkish army paid a
    high price for this neglect.