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Another appropriate title would have been, “Parliamentarians fiddle while Armenia burns,” which is my version of the well-known historic phrase, “Nero fiddles while Rome burns,” referring to Emperor Nero’s inaction during a massive fire in Rome.

This is the tragic situation in Armenia. After losing a major portion of Artsakh and the lives of thousands of young Armenians in last September’s war, one would think that Armenians both in and out of Armenia would rally together to lick their wounds, strengthen the military and repulse the enemy’s further advances. Unfortunately, the exact opposite is happening. The culprit is not Azerbaijan, Turkey, Russia or anyone else, but us. We are unwilling to unify even in the aftermath of a massive disaster. Before we blame anyone else, we need to hold the mirror to our faces.

Ever since Armenia’s independence, we have been boasting that Armenia has the most powerful military in the region, Azerbaijan would not dare to attack us, and if it did, we would march into Baku. Before last year’s war, Armenia’s Defense Minister David Tonoyan arrogantly proclaimed: “New War, New Territories,” meaning that if Azerbaijan attacked Artsakh, Armenia would conquer even more Azeri territories.

The former and current leaders of Armenia and Artsakh refused to make any concessions regarding the territories surrounding Artsakh, unless Azerbaijan first agreed to recognize Artsakh’s independence. Even though the rest of the world was urging Armenia’s leaders to make compromises and return at least some of the territories around Artsakh, we dismissed all such suggestions. That is the reason why no other country was willing to recognize the Republic of Artsakh. Even Armenia itself refused to do so, expecting that others would defend Artsakh’s interests ahead of us.

As a result, we squandered our unique chance to force Azerbaijan to recognize Artsakh’s independence in the 1990’s, while the enemy was defeated and weak.

Without getting into the meaningless debate of whether the former leaders or the current one was responsible for our defeat in 2020, I would say, we are all responsible for that disaster.

Since the end of the last war, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan rejected repeated suggestions that he resign and allow a new leader to take the helm of the devastated state. He insisted that he is the only one who can remedy the country’s massive problems. How could the one who was in charge when the country suffered such a defeat be able to fix anything? But, he stubbornly held on to his seat. Using the state resources at his disposal, he managed to convince slightly over half of those who participated in the election to support him and his political party. In reality, most of those who voted for Pashinyan actually voted against the former leaders. As expected, almost a year after the war, not only Armenia’s problems have not been resolved, but in many respects, they have become much worse.

While the former leaders were not well-liked during their reign, the degree of antagonism and hatred that we see today in Armenia is unprecedented. Regrettably, the current Prime Minister made matters worse by constantly issuing threats and warnings against anyone who disagreed with him. He started his rule by preaching democracy and tolerance, but quickly became a dictator, dividing the public into “blacks” and “whites, and shockingly, held up a hammer while on stage during his recent electoral campaign threatening to smash the heads of his opponents!

In such a toxic atmosphere, uniting the nation against the common enemy is impossible. It is much easier to fight against your political opponents. Neither the government nor the opposition is willing to make any compromises to solve the country’s problems and defend the homeland against further hostile incursions.

Not surprisingly, when Pashinyan came to the Parliament last week to present his government’s five-year plan, several fistfights erupted as a result of which the Chairman of the Parliament Alen Simonyan ordered the security guards to enter the chamber and forcefully drag some of the opposition members out. The Parliament looked more like a military garrison than a legislative assembly hall. Simonyan frequently violated the free speech rights of opposition members if they dared to refer to the Prime Minister in a derogatory manner. He ordered that the speakers’ microphones be turned off and the cameras broadcasting the meetings shut off. These draconian measures are unbecoming of a country’s legislature. The ugly scenes of the fistfights were aired by TV stations around the world, embarrassing all Armenians.

As a result, the government’s proposed five-year plan was hardly discussed. Instead, there were repeated attacks by the Parliamentarians both physical and verbal.

In the meantime, Azerbaijan and Turkey, emboldened by their recent victory, and seeing the deep divisions within Armenia, are encroaching on Armenia’s borders and demanding more and more concessions. Armenia’s weakened leader is unable to resist the overbearing demands of Azerbaijan, while Armenia’s military ally, Russia, is pursuing its own interests in coordination with Turkey and Azerbaijan.

In conclusion, I would like to make two points that are often debated on social media.

1) At the slightest criticism of Prime Minister Pashinyan, his supporters are quick to admonish the critics by saying that the Diaspora has no right to criticize the Armenian government. I reject such objections because Armenia is the homeland of all Armenians regardless of where they live. Criticism or praise is a sign that the individual cares deeply about his or her homeland rather than take the posture of a disinterested spectator. Why is it that we have the right to express an opinion about developments about any other country in the world, for example Afghanistan, but when it comes to Armenia, our homeland, we have no such right? It is also interesting to note that those who object to criticisms of the Armenian government by Diasporans have no objection when the latter praise Armenia. Therefore, the issue is not having the right to criticize Armenia, but not wanting to hear criticism about the Prime Minister.

2) In my opinion, constructive criticism is much more valuable than the blind support of a leader. Which is more patriotic — seeing something going wrong and keeping our mouths shut or speaking up and trying to correct it? In my opinion, taking corrective action is much more patriotic than remaining silent and allowing the error to continue.

I hope we stop “fiddling,” or in our case, feuding, and joining hands to create a strong Armenia that can withstand the incessant assaults of the barbarians at our gates.

Candidate for Governor of Virginia,A Turkish Lobbyist, Should be Defeated

The Washington Free Beacon online newspaper published on Aug. 20, 2021 an article by Chuck Ross, titled: “Turkey Paid McAuliffe’s Firm to Lobby US Against Recognition of Armenian Genocide.”

Terry McAuliffe is the Democratic Party candidate for governor of the State of Virginia. He won the Democratic Primary election on June 8, 2021 and will face Republican Party nominee Glenn Youngkin in the state’s general election in November. The polls indicate that it is a very close race. McAuliffe previously served as Virginia governor from 2014 to 2018.

Armenian-Americans should help defeat McAuliffe to send a signal that they will not tolerate anyone who lies about the Armenian Genocide and gets paid for it!

The government of Turkey paid McAuliffe’s consulting firm cofounded by him, McAuliffe, Kelly, & Raffaelli, nearly $1.3 million from 1990 to 1994 to do “a variety of lobbying and public relations services,” including hindering the U.S. Congress from acknowledging the Armenian Genocide, The Washington Free Beacon reported.

McAuliffe was the chairman of the Democratic National Committee and a longtime friend of Pres. Bill Clinton and his wife Hillary. Even though McAuliffe has said that he did not engage in day-to-day lobbying activities of his firm, his former partner Richard Spees told Politico Magazine that “he was the glue that held the place together.” According to Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA) disclosures that I have reviewed, McAuliffe’s lobbying company contributed tens of thousands of dollars in campaign donations to dozens of House and Senate members, arranged private meetings for the Turkish Ambassador in Washington with members of Congress, and regularly met with multiple members of Congress and high-level White House officials in the course of its lobbying activities.

According to FARA disclosures, “McAuliffe’s firm received $1,287,500 from the Turkish government to arrange meetings with American policymakers for Turkey’s ambassador and diplomats. Turkey’s contract called on the firm to lobby Congress on bilateral trade and to ‘counter any efforts detrimental to the Turkish-U.S. relationship,’” which included blocking congressional efforts to acknowledge the Armenian Genocide, according to The Washington Free Beacon.

In an article published on March 26, 2009, the Washington Post noted: “Perhaps most controversial was the company’s [McAuliffe, Kelly, & Raffaelli] representation of Turkey at a time when that government was the subject of international scrutiny for alleged human rights abuses. The firm was criticized by name in a report called ‘The Torturers’ Lobby’ published in 1992 by the Center for Public Integrity. The McAuliffe campaign [during his failed bid for Governor in 2009] said the company’s work for Turkey had to do with a longstanding dispute between Armenia and Turkey over a period of history after World War I when the Ottoman Empire killed, by some estimates, more than 1 million Armenians. Every year, Armenia [more correctly, Armenian-Americans] seeks legislation in Congress characterizing this period as the Armenian Genocide, and every year, the Turkish government opposes the legislation.”

“McAuliffe was implicated in the 1996 Democratic National Committee campaign finance scandal, in which he arranged overnight stays at the White House for Democratic Party donors. Before his first stint as governor of Virginia, McAuliffe directly lobbied the Obama administration to help his electric car company, GreenTech Automotive, gain access to a federal visa program for potential Chinese investors. The Justice Department also investigated whether McAuliffe took illegal donations from a Chinese billionaire during his 2013 gubernatorial campaign,” revealed The Washington Free Beacon.

“McAuliffe’s [current] campaign did not respond to a request for comment about his firm’s contract with Turkey or his position on the 2019 recognition of the Armenian genocide,” The Washington Free Beacon reported.

Many years have passed since McAuliffe firm’s lobbying activities on behalf of Turkey. In 2019, the House overwhelmingly, the Senate unanimously, and in 2021, Pres. Joe Biden acknowledged the Armenian Genocide. However, Armenian-Americans should never forget the names of those who sold their souls for the almighty dollar. This is a disgrace that such lobbyists should carry to their graves. Furthermore, McAuliffe has never apologized for his firm’s deceitful actions and has not asked for forgiveness. This is more of a reason why no Armenian should ever consider forgetting his despicable action. It does not matter at all what political party such denialists belong to.

This is a timely matter since Pres. Biden recently nominated former Senator Jeff Flake (Republican of Arizona) to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Turkey. As a House of Representatives member, he voted in 2005, 2007, and 2010 against the Armenian Genocide resolution in the International Relations Committee. In 2014, Flake was also one of only five US Senators to oppose the Armenian Genocide resolution in the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Flake has not apologized for the series of shameful votes he cast in the House and Senate denying the truth of the Armenian Genocide. It remains to be seen how he will explain his negative votes on the Armenian Genocide to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations that will consider his nomination.

The last thing Armenian-Americans need is having a denialist U.S. Ambassador in Ankara who will reinforce the Turkish government’s lies on the Armenian Genocide. Senators should ask some tough questions to Sen. Flake, and if not satisfied with his answers, they should block his nomination.

I just became aware that the Government of Turkey banned Armenian aircraft from overflying its air space as of a year ago. This was disclosed earlier this month by Hetq.am website’s investigative reporter Vahe Sarukhanyan.

I was surprised to hear this news. How could it be that the Turkish government banned Armenian-registered planes from flying over its air space and no Armenian official has bothered to inform the public? Even more surprising, a whole year after Turkey took such a hostile action, particularly during the recent war, the Armenian government did not reciprocate by banning Turkish flights over Armenian territory.

The last Armenian plane Turkey allowed to overfly its skies was on August 29, 2020. Beginning on Sept. 9, 2020, Turkey banned all Armenian flights from its skies. Interestingly, this was shortly before the joint Azeri and Turkish attack on Artsakh. Turkey subsequently rejected Armenian overflight requests on Sept. 18 and 25, 2020 and on March 19 and 23, 2021.

Hetq’s reporter contacted Armenia’s Civil Aviation Committee (CAC) to inquire if Armenia and Turkey had placed restrictions on their mutual airspace during and after last year’s war. “The CAC responded that Turkey has not published any air navigation information (NOTAM) [Notice to Airmen] banning the entry of Armenian-registered aircraft into its skies.” In other words, Turkey refused Armenian overflight rights without registering any formal objection. Thus, Turkey added a ban on air travel to its land blockade of Armenia.

In response to a question from Hetq on whether “Armenia had banned the entry of Turkish national aircraft, and if not, why not, the CAC replied that it has not imposed any restrictions in accordance with Article 9 (b) of the Chicago Convention on International Civil Aviation, stating that every Member State of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) cannot discriminate against the use of its airspace.” This is somewhat incorrect. Article 9(b) states that countries can restrict the use of their air space “on condition that such restriction or prohibition shall be applicable without distinction of nationality to aircraft of all other States.” How is it legal for Turkey to ban Armenian aircrafts and not legal for Armenia to do likewise?

I have been tracking the flight paths of various planes originating from Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey on the website “flightradar24.com,” which shows all flights around the world. I have made four interesting observations:

1)    No Armenian-registered plane has flown over the territory of Turkey in the last 12 months as result of the Turkish ban.

2)    Turkish Airlines, however, regularly fly over the Armenian air space on their way to Azerbaijan and beyond.

3)    Turkey does not obstruct the flights of foreign airlines that travel to or from Armenia over Turkey, probably not to trigger a retaliatory ban by the governments of these airlines.

4)    Armenia and Azerbaijan do not travel across each other’s air space even though there has been no formally-registered ban by either country.

Armenia’s Civil Aviation Committee told Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty that it “is not in a position to challenge the Turkish ban in international aviation bodies. The Armenian Foreign Ministry did not clarify whether it has dealt with the matter.” Regrettably, the CAC did not explain why it is not willing to challenge Turkey’s ban of Armenian overflights. This is a major failure by Armenian officials.

Despite the negligent attitude of the Armenian government regarding the protection of Armenia’s national interests, Turkish airplanes, of their own volition, avoided flying over Armenia during the Artsakh War, preferring to carry their soldiers, military equipment and the Islamic Jihadist terrorists to Azerbaijan over the skies of the Republic of Georgia.

There are many such examples of the negligence and incompetence of Armenian officials leading one to wonder if there is a functioning government in Armenia. Two successive Foreign Ministers of Armenia have resigned since last fall. They could not accept the amateurish behavior of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan who unilaterally made all decisions on foreign policy without consulting his Foreign Ministry.

More surprisingly, after Pashinyan’s reappointment as Prime Minister, he has yet to appoint a new Foreign Minister, even though he is required to form the cabinet of ministers within five days of his appointment, a deadline that has passed long ago. The Foreign Ministry’s spokesman clarified that the five-day requirement applies to the appointment of two-thirds of the ministers, not the entire cabinet. However, the spokesman failed to explain why Pashinyan has managed to appoint all the other ministers, but not the Foreign Minister. One would think that, given Armenia’s critical situation after the war, appointing a Foreign Minister would have been one of his top priorities.

Since Pashinyan has ignored the input of the previous two foreign ministers, I suggest that he simply appoint himself as Foreign Minister in addition to being Prime Minister. Furthermore, since the Prime Minister has been running the government single-handedly, he should also get rid of the remaining ministers, establishing a one-man rule. All three branches of the government — executive, legislative and judiciary — are in the hands of the Prime Minister. The President of the country has no decision-making powers. He is a nominal leader, a figurehead. The Parliament, with a majority composed of Pashinyan’s political party, is basically a rubber stamp body which simply carries out his wishes. The judiciary is also under the heavy influence of the Prime Minister. Thus, there is no separation of powers, one of the key tenets of a democratic government.

The Armenian National Committee of Greece sent a letter to the Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias complaining about the Greek Ambassador’s propaganda tour of occupied Shushi, orchestrated by the government of Azerbaijan. The Foreign Minister responded by making lame excuses for the Ambassador’s appalling behavior.

Here is what the ANC of Greece wrote to Foreign Minister Dendias on July 12: “We were surprised but also very upset to learn about the participation of the Ambassador of Greece to Azerbaijan, Mr. Nikolaos Piperigkos, in the provocative celebration organized by the Aliyev regime…. The Armenian National Committee, as well as the Armenian Community of Greece as a whole, express their strong dissatisfaction with the participation of the representative of our country in this parody. You know very well that Azerbaijan, by faithfully copying its mentor [Turkey], is grossly violating the rules of international law. What is the purpose of the support provided by Greece at this critical time?”

Foreign Minister Dendias replied on July 27: “Greece maintains long-standing excellent historical and friendly relations with Armenia. In difficult times for Armenia, Greece stood by the country and its people. I myself visited Yerevan on October 16, 2020, when hostilities in the Nagorno-Karabakh region were still ongoing, sending a message of solidarity. Also, responding to the request of the Armenian organizations in our country with the coordination of the International Development Cooperation Agency of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Greece carried out two humanitarian aid missions (medical supplies and food) on December 12, 2020 and January 8, 2021, displaying practical assistance. At the same time, as is known, Greece has maintained diplomatic relations with Azerbaijan since 1992. After the crisis in bilateral relations [between Azerbaijan and Greece] in autumn 2020, the Greek Ambassador returned to Baku, where in the framework of his duties, he maintains contacts with the country he is accredited to and follows closely local developments. In addition, considering the circumstance of our country’s membership in the European Union, the Embassy coordinates its activities with our partners. For this reason too, the acceptance of the invitation of the Azeri Ministry of Foreign Affairs by the Greek Ambassador, after six negative responses to continuous similar invitations, which were already accepted by other European Embassies, is in no way an endorsement of views or recognition of actions of the host state, much less ‘participating in celebrations.’ It was carried out with the coordination of [EU] Member States with the purpose of on-site observation and recording what was happening to transfer accurate information to the Foreign Ministry.”

Here are the problems with the Foreign Minister’s reply:

1) He does not seem to understand that by appeasing a hostile nation the Ambassador’s actions are undermining Greece’s own interests as well as those of Armenia.

2) Azerbaijan is no friend of Greece. As the Foreign Minister recalled in his letter, last September, during the Greek Ambassador’s presentations of his credentials, Pres. Aliyev told him in an inappropriate and undiplomatic manner: “I can tell you, and it is no secret, that Turkey is not only our friend and partner, but also a brotherly country for us. Without any hesitation whatsoever, we support Turkey and will support it under any circumstances. We support them [Turkey] in all issues, including the issue in the Eastern Mediterranean.”

3) The Foreign Minister stated in his letter that other European countries also accepted the Azeri invitation. He ignored the fact that several other major European countries, including Great Britain, Germany, France, Portugal, Spain and the Czech Republic, in addition to Russia and the United States, refused to participate in the Azeri propaganda tour of Shushi. Greece should have done likewise!

4) The Foreign Minister’s excuse that the Greek Ambassador’s visit to Shushi was to provide on-site observation is ridiculous. The Greek Ambassador was simply duped into participating in a charade orchestrated by Azerbaijan to boast about the occupation and destruction of a historic Armenian region, its people and religious sites in violation of international law.

The Greek Foreign Minister correctly mentioned the friendship between Greece and Armenia. Such friendship, however, must go beyond empty statements. It has to be shown by concrete actions, not mere words.

As I wrote in my previous article, the Greek Foreign Minister must immediately dispatch his Ambassador in Yerevan to Stepanakert, the Capital of the Republic of Artsakh, to atone for his Baku counterpart’s offensive visit to Shushi. If not, the ANC of Greece and the local Armenian community must have an immediate meeting with Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, and demand that he immediately fire the Foreign Minister and recall the Ambassador from Azerbaijan.

By obeying the instructions of Pres. Aliyev, the Greek Ambassador betrayed not only Armenia, but also the interests of Greece. Instead of joining ranks with Armenia and other friendly nations against Azerbaijan and Turkey, Greece is alienating its own allies.

I am still waiting for the Prime Minister of Armenia to organize for the foreign Ambassadors stationed in Yerevan a tour of Stepanakert, the Capital of the Republic of Artsakh, to counter the visit to Shushi arranged by Azerbaijan. To do this, however, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan must first appoint a Foreign Minister.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan inaugurated one of the largest mosques in the United States in April 2016. It is officially called the Diyanet Center of America (DCA), a massive complex that is located on 17 acres in Lanham, Maryland, just 15 miles from Washington, DC.

Turkey’s Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) paid $110 million to cover the expenses of constructing the Diyanet Center of America. The DCA, registered as a non-profit in the United States, has $93 million in assets, according to its latest tax return.

This Center is affiliated with Pres. Erdogan and his ruling political party AKP. DCA’s website states that it “works in full coordination with the [Directorate of] Religious Affairs of the Republic of Turkey (Diyanet)” which receives a huge amount of funding from the Turkish government under the title of “Representation and Promotion Expenses,” an odd category for a religious institution. The Diyanet’s annual budget is $2 billion, exceeding that of most Turkish ministries. It is an official governmental institution that directs 85,000 mosques throughout the country and over 2,000 mosques overseas. It prepares a weekly sermon that must be read by Imams in all mosques inside and outside of Turkey. It imposes odd practices on the Turkish public, such as bans “on feeding dogs at home, celebrating the western New Year, lotteries, and tattoos.” The Diyanet’s Imams are instructed by the government’s intelligence services to monitor the activities of members of the Gulen movement and PKK (Kurdish Workers’ Party). The agency has created multiple Diyanet mosques or field offices in countries such as Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, United Kingdom, and United States.

According to Ahmet Yayla, a former senior Turkish police officer, the Diyanet now has thousands of affiliated mosques, dozens of schools, and official councilors assigned in 52 countries. It also maintains “faith attachés” in 38 regions globally. The Diyanet maintains the Turkish regime’s monopoly on religion and has become a mouthpiece for the state’s propaganda efforts.

In his article titled, “Erdogan, the Diyanet, and its Field Office near DC,” published in the Providence Magazine, Adam Smith wrote: “In the West, Diyanet institutions also work with proxies and supporters of other Islamist movements supported by Ankara, such as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood…. The Diyanet also demands full endorsement of Erdogan from its partners and congregants, and propagates the idea that all opponents of the AKP are ‘traitors.’ European governments have noticed the Diyanet’s efforts to enforce loyalty to Ankara among European citizens, with Western officials criticizing Diyanet and AKP efforts to ‘conduct political propaganda in their mosques’” outside Turkey.

According to Smith, “the DCA is the head of 28 other Diyanet branches across the United States. Every one of these 28 branches has a president that is unflinchingly loyal to Erdogan and the AKP.”

In Smith’s opinion, “the DCA must be compelled to register under the Foreign Agents Restriction Act, which regulates agents of influence for foreign nations operating on American soil. Turkish Diyanet officials and imams across the US are working for and advancing the interests of a foreign government without ever having registered as foreign agents….” They “zealously pledge allegiance to the AKP…. Across America, these agents consistently campaign for Erdogan’s agenda and aim to proselyte the Turkish regime’s interests. In addition, DCA officials are increasingly involved in efforts to partner with and influence senior American politicians. Erdogan has acknowledged such outreach, even at one point claiming before an American Islamist audience that the AKP regime has directly supported efforts to elect Muslims in America.”

Furthermore, Smith reported that “other Turkish NGOs and various Islamist proxies also play a major role. For example, agents of Erdogan have reportedly established ‘camouflaged shell’ organizations to create a conduit for a ‘problem-free funds-transfer’ in the US, to lobby politicians and move money. Wikileaks documents reveal one Turkish regime operative in the US stating, ‘with this type of structure, funding regulations and tax barriers that limit lobbying activities in the US will be overcome.’”

Smith also claimed that “there is plenty of other evidence of criminal activity linked to the regime and the Diyanet. For instance, two of many of the regime-linked tax-exempt US front organizations, the Turkish Heritage Organization (THO) and Turkish American National Steering Committee (TASC), were under investigation by the FBI, with leaked emails suggesting the group was conducting espionage operations for Ankara. Nonetheless, all these Turkish proxy groups continue to operate with impunity.”

We have no issue with Islamic mosques or Turkish centers in the United States. However, if it is proven that these non-profit institutions are engaging in political activities and lobbying on behalf of Turkey, the U.S. government should take appropriate legal steps to ensure that they are operating within the law.