Turkish Forum

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  • Turkey’s Real Problem

    Turkey’s Real Problem

    Michael van der Galien, Editor-in-Chief on September 5, 2008 @ 3:17 pm CEST

    PoliGazette takes a look at Turkey’s real problem. It is not what you may think it is.

    IZMIR, TURKEY –

    For a couple of years, the major issue of debate in Turkey has been the separation of church and state; the country’s politicians focused almost exclusively on this subject after it became clear that the Justice and Development Party (or AK Parti) wants to increase the role religion plays in the public sphere (or allow more religious freedom, choose the interpretation you agree with). For months, all Turkish politicians talked about was whether or not female students should be allowed to wear the headscarf in universities.

    Although laicism is indeed important, politicians have made too much of the headscarf issue; while debating about whether or not a woman can wear a scarf on her head, nothing was done about the real problem in Turkey. Better, the real Turkish problem was ignored.

    Turkey’s real problem is not the economy, although it is a major issue. Nor is it laicism / the influence of religious conservative individuals on the government. It is not Erkenegon, and it is not the Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

    It is education.

    Compared to the rest of Europe Turkey’s education system is horrible. It is sorely lacking in a variety of ways, but especially with regards to teaching students foreign languages.

    During my visits to Turkey I have seen how teachers try to teach this highly important foreign language to their students. Sadly there are some problems. For instance, the average teacher is hardly able to communicate with a foreigner in English. His vocabulary is not big enough, his accent is too strong and he is nervous because he seldom speaks English to foreigners; he is used to speaking English to Turks, who often do not notice the horrible accent of their fellow Turk and his pathetic lack of a somewhat normal-sized vocabulary.

    As if the above is not enough, I have been told by several Turks that the grading system in Turkey is somewhat, how shall I put this… Utopian.

    The highest grade is one star, the lowest grade one. Well, one would think that when a 15 year old high school student is only able to say ‘yes’ and ‘no,’ and ‘fine, thank you’ in English, he does not deserve more than one, or at most, two stars, right?

    Not so in Turkey. I have met many high school students who are literally incapable of completing two or three sentences in English. Yet, their teachers give them four or five stars.

    One of the reasons for this Utopian grading system is, I have been told, that teachers have the tendency to reward students who are silent, obedient and anxious to learn. When that student writes an essay or makes a test, the teacher seemingly tends to think “I should reward him for his good behavior.”

    Another major cause for the lack of knowledge of English among Turks in general and (high school) students specifically is, according to Turkish friends and (future) teachers I talked to, that students are taught the exact same things over and over again. As one of the individuals I talked to remarked, “in the first year I studied English the teacher said ‘today we will study single present tense.’ In the second year he said ‘today we will study single present tense.’ In the third year the teacher said ‘today we will study single present tense…’ And you wonder why 95% of Turks do not speak English well?”

    The above signifies a real problem in Turkey’s education system. English is of immense importance. It is alright for a third world country not to teach its citizens English, but for a rapidly developing country like Turkey, with big aspirations, teaching English to its citizens when they are still young is a necessity.

    If one wants to compete in the world, if one wants to become richer in a constantly globalizing world, and if one wants to catch up economically with Western countries, one has to know English. Turkish is the language of Turkey, but English is the language of the world. One’s English does not have to be perfect – mine is not for instance – but it should be sufficient for one to express oneself accurately and to debate important issues. “How are you?” does not suffice.

    In order to improve the situation, Turkey’s government will have to invest big-time in education. University students aspiring to become English teachers should be sent abroad; either during their studies, or immediately afterwards. They should be forced to speak English 24/7 for a period of several months. Everything they do, everything they want, they should made clear in English.

    Furthermore, the Turkish government should keep a close eye on how teachers grade their students. Four stars for a student who knows jack is unacceptable. A checks and balances method should be cooked up, one that actually works. When one teacher grades his students, another teacher from a different school should double check. Competition among teachers and schools should be encouraged. Teachers that deliver better results have to be rewarded, teachers that perform badly punished. The same, of course, goes for schools.

    Another important reason Turkish students suffer from a chronic lack of English speaking, writing and understanding skills is, conversations have led me to believe, the Turkish government’s habit to send new teachers to poor regions (in the East) where they have to serve for a specific, short amount of time, after which they can go back to the richer regions. These new teachers have to educate poor students, but often lack the passion to do in a satisfying manner. The reason for this lack of passion is that they do not want to teach in the East. They are forced to go their by their government. Many of them seem to tremendously dislike the East; they consider the people backwards and uneducated (quite an accurate, albeit negative, description of course). All they long for when they are in the East is to go back to the ‘ developed, modern world. Once they can, they go.

    Teachers need conviction and passion. If not, they do not teach their students what they should teach them. When a student fails to make any progress, the teacher could not care less. ‘Lets give him four stars,’ the teacher thinks, ‘nobody cares anyway.’

    In order to do something about this, the Turkish government could consider encouraging rather than forcing new teachers to go to the East. When a teacher agrees to go to the East, pay him considerably extra. Money makes the world go ’round and it makes teachers do what they should do; educate your children. Furthermore, when a teacher does so for a prolonged period – five, six years instead of, say, six months – he should receive even more benefits; both financial and in other ways (make it more easy for a teacher to travel to foreign countries, for instance, so he can improve their language skills). Make sure that the teacher becomes part of the village or city he moves to in the East; set up a ‘welcoming’ system, which immediately results in the new teacher having many friends with whom they can socialize. Make it more easy for a teacher who goes to the East to take his spouse and children along. Help the partner of the teacher find a new job in their new village / city / region. If the job pays less than what they are used to, subsidize them (temporarily) and help them out in other ways (take care of housing, for instance).

    Sending students en masse abroad and the other reforms proposed in this short column may cost a lot of money while Turkey is far from rich – yes, I know – but the fact of the matter is that improving Turks’ English skills is not a choice; it is an absolute necessity. The Turkish government spends millions of Liras (the new one of course) on far less important things. In order to do all the above Turkey does not to need to make more money rapidly. Instead, it has to get its priorities straightened out.

    Finally it has to be remarked that the reforms mentioned in this op-ed are, to a degree, applicable on education in its entirety. Of course education is not about English alone. Other courses are just as important as English, and the government should invest in these courses (mathematics for instance, but also reading skills in Turkish – my Turkish is rapidly improving, but my interaction with Turks has given me the impression that quite some Turks do not speak Turkish well – are important).

    If Turkey does not improve its education system soon, and especially with regards to English, it will have a terrible hard time catching up with the West. Not because Turks do not want to catch up, or because they are too lazy, but because they lack the basic skills one needs to survive in this modern world.

  • TRANSFORMATION AT TDN

    TRANSFORMATION AT TDN

    Dear Turkish Forum readers,

     

    The article, “The new ‘moderate’ Turkey” By Robert Ellis (August 15, 2008) published in Turkish Forum recently reminded me of an incident similar to the one he experienced. At the end of his article Ellis notes that, although he had been a frequent commentator on Turkish affairs at Turkish Daily News (TDN) since 2005, he was declared “persona non grata” by TDN’s editor after he had written an article critical of Turkey’s AKP (Justice and Development Party) in Los Angeles Times last March.

     

    I, too, was given the same treatment by TDN less than 2 years ago.

    What attracted TDN’s ire, in my case, was an article, “After the French vote: Those crocodile tears,” I had published in TDN in late October 2006. About a month afterwards, another article I sent to TDN was summarily rejected without explanation. The timing coincided with the reshuffling of TDN’s management, with Eyüp Can Sağlık appointed as the new Executive Editor. Until that time, I had been an unpaid guest commentator at TDN, having some 40 articles published under my name since 2000. Sağlık is the husband of Elif Şafak, the Turkish activist-novelist adored by the Armenian lobby.

    In the October 2006 article, written in the immediate aftermath of the French Parliament’ s infamous decision to criminalize denial of Armenian “genocide”, I chastised European and Turkish politicians as well as a certain “intellectual cabal” in Turkey for their hypocrisy on the genocide issue. Although I did not cite names, it was obvious to those familiar with the subject that Şafak was included in the “intellectual cabal.” Like my earlier TDN articles on the Armenian issue, my criticism of the “intellectual cabal” must have hit nerves in the Sağlık-Şafak couple. So, when Sağlık took over at TDN, he found a golden opportunity to silence me.

    Thus came to an end a voice at TDN that had steadfastly defended Turks and Turkey against defamation by Dashnakian propagandists. A month later, ex-Ambassador Gündüz Aktan, another pro-Turkish voice on the Armenian issue, also left TDN.

     

    The censorship Ellis and I suffered at TDN raises the question as to whose interests TDN is serving. Whatever its mission, and contrary to its high-minded claim, TDN does not welcome free expression of opinion. I am not surprised that Ellis was declared “persona non grata” because of his article critical of AKP. After the new leadership took over in late 2006, the newspaper has been publishing op-ed pieces by staff and guest writers openly in sympathy with AKP’s Islamic-oriented regime. These writers – the Second Republicans – oppose any nationalistic sentiments and try to undermine Turkey’s securalist regime. In fact, secularists and those espousing Turkishness are treated almost with contempt. One dimwit, an op-ed writer, is a proponent of faith-based “Intelligent Design.”

     

    TDN is also sympatethic toward Armenian claims of “genocide.” In an August 25, 2008 editorial, editor David Judson issued a public apology because TDN had “mistakenly” added the word “alleged” in front of “genocide” in a recent op-ed by a Diaspora Armenian. A reader from Canada had protested that the original text did not contain “alleged.” The editor took the disclaimer to heart and apologized. The editor went on to explain that the newspaper, in fact, frowns upon the the term “so-called genocide.” Instead, the sanctioned term is “alleged genocide.”

     

    Such hair-splitting of words could be ignored as pathetic sophomorism, except that it underlies a pro-Armenian tilt on the part of TDN. The editor claims that this stance represents “enlarged mentality.” Views sympathetic to Armenian position are expressed not only by Armenian writers, but also by Turkish journalists. Surely, rarely do these opinion articles spell out the word “genocide” – at least not yet – but the implication is that the onus of history is on Turks.

     

    Months ago, I wrote a letter to TDN’s editor to protest my censorship and criticise the newspaper’s editorial policy. I challenged him to publish my letter, which he refused. He invited me to consider writing at TDN again, whıch I declined.

     

    The new identity of TDN came into being after the newspaper became part of the Dogan Media Group. How, exactly, the newspaper turned from an objecive, independent English-language Turkish newspaper to a pro-Islamic (pro-AKP), pro-Armenian media outlet is an intriguing question. As far as the pro-Islamic tilt, the appointment of Sağlık as the Executive Editor undoubtedly had a lot to do with it. Sağlık, educated in the U.S. as a protege of Fethullah Gülen, was brought in to TDN as a Trojan horse to do the clergyman’s bidding. Before Sağlık came to TDN, he and his wife Şafak were affiliated with Zaman, Gülen’s flagship newspaper in Turkey. Şafak has recently resumed her writings in Zaman.

     

    Other recruits close to AKP and Gülen include Cengiz Çandar and Mustafa Akyol. In addition to being a columnist, the latter acts as the deputy editor and vets articles submitted for the op-ed page. Akyol also writes in the AKP-controlled Star, and his articles appear on Gülen’s website on the Internet. It is a close-knit group under the effective stewardship of Sağlık.

     

    As for TDN’s pro-Armenian tilt, it is safe to assume that the Sağlık-Şafak mindset and Editor-in-Chief David Judson’s own personal bias are what drove TDN in that direction. With its “enlarged mentality,” the newspaper has lost much of its true Turkish identity. The irony in this transformation is that, while a nominally Turkish newspaper welcomes pro-Armenian views, Turks abroad face enormous obstacles to have their own views publıshed in foreign media because of ingrained anti-Turkish bias.

     

    The most lamentable aspect of TDN’s new identity, however, lies in its influence on English-speaking foreign readership who seek news and opinions about Turkey. Few readers are probably aware that the newspaper is an unofficial mouthpiece of the pro-Islamic Turkish government. Opinions and letters from readers critical of AKP are hardly, if ever, published.

     

    Likewise, the newspaper’s coverage of the Armenian issue plays into the hands of foreign entities that are intrinsically anti-Turkish. A good example is the Hrant Dink murder. The senseless and tragic murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist and activist Hrant Dink in January 2007 in Istanbul was widely condemned, and correctly so, in Turkey. Killing of every innocent human being deserves strong condemnation. TDN, however, went much further. With “We are all Hrant Dink” banners splashed across, and the op-ed writers mourning Dink’s death day after day, in pious detail, the newspaper inflamed passions. Sağlık promised that, if he had a son, he would name him Hrant. (A promise he did not keep).

     

    Little did it occur to the foreign readers that none of these mourners expressed a genuine regret when many other Turkish intellectuals, prominenly in the footsteps of Kemal Atatürk, were similarly and tragically murdered. Nor did the mourners bother to invoke the memory of more than 40 Turkish diplomats that years ago fell victim to ASALA terror.

     

    Washington D.C. is one place where TDN is well read for information about Turkey. There is little doubt that TDN’s coverage of the Dink murder provided fuel and ammunition for the ensuing anti-Turkish media onslaught spearheaded by ANCA (Armenian National Committee of America), as well as a U.S. Senate resolution (S.Res. 65) introduced by Senator Joe Biden. The resolution, passed in the U.S. Foreign Relations Committee in March 2007, was highly critical of Turkey. In the process, the real reason why Dink was prosecuted under Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code was ignored.

     

    Nor was any concern expressed in foreign circles for other Turkish intellectuals, including a 92-year old Sumerologist, that were prosecuted under the same penal code.

     

    For those interested, I will be glad to forward a copy of my October 2006 article in TDN. Here is an excerpt:

    “It is not what these “intellectuals” say, but rather what they do not say, that matters. In their statements, writings, interviews and fiction work alluding to the 1915-1918 tragic events, they invariably depict Turks as the villains and Armenians as the victims, leaving out the perfidious acts of armed Armenian guerillas joining the enemy ranks and the death and sufferings of innocent Turks and Kurds at the hands of these gangs. Their one-sided recounting of the 1915-1918 events at times becomes nauseating.

    None of them has ever bothered telling the world about the carnage of Azeri civilians in the Khojaly Massacre only 14 years ago.”

    Ferruh Demirmen

    ferruh@demirmen.com

  • Actor States’ Power and Critics on Middle East

    Actor States’ Power and Critics on Middle East

    During 2004 the USA looked at Middle East with important experiences because of Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, other Arab states, Gulf area, petrol and other events. There was a tension between the US, France and Germany.
    In 2004, the USA tried to secure their position in Middle East although other’s position. Maybe there will be conflict between the USA and other NATO members. We can think that the USA thinks about only self-interests. But politic ways are giving these situations.
    In Greater Middle East project without European coordinating is unknown. There is a problem of member states about how Bush administration will act with other European powers. They should keep the balance with the USA. And they didn’t understand the US’s actions.
    We explain a circumstance as a period like post-cold war focus between European countries which are member of NATO, European Union and the USA. In the Middle East, there are several benefits of states as Greater Middle East project. But nobody decide to any thought about them as certainly.

    US Efforts to Western Security on the Greater Middle East

    There is a tension among powers. But Bush administration looked 2004 year as a new succesful and meaningful with NATO. The USA explain the Greater Middle East as a western, not only for the US responsibility But the US’s politics are not clear.

    The US’s initiatives about Greater Middle East :

    – The US encourage to build up NATO security in Afghanistan to defeat Al Qaida. With more than 6000 men the US can leave from responsibilities of heavy circumstances by this way. NATO also can look after this country.
    – Another level is about Iraq. NATO and the US goes to modify the military posture in Iraq. NATO has serious power projection in Iraq; taking role of Polish-led international division and British division.
    – The US is going to restructure force posture in Middle East and Central Asia. It wants to make new projects here which like European style.
    – New power projection capabilities in NATO focused to Greater Middle East.

    Some Important Things

    When the USA is making these changes in Middle East ; there will be a different election of American president. Strongly againsts of Bush policies can win the elections easily and keep control of Congress. It will attack to policies of the Iraq War.
    By the against ideas to policies maybe there will be disasters on Iraq policies and security. Because Bush administration was going to make big plans in here. But this is changable. It can be better…
    For president Bush, there are some unguarantee circumstances. Because America trade terms are fragile. There is a big budget deficits.

    About American Transformation

    The USA has some problems about modernisation their army. The US’s defence budget is 400 $ billion for 2004. And there are some problems about future of army.
    The US doesn’t has capability for long wars and additional attack. We can see this in Iraq war.
    However the US need to helps from NATO and Europe. They sent NATO forces to Afghanistan. And they have British forces in Iraq. But it is not enough. They try to make some new additions.
    Also the USA have three potential risks we can explain them easily :

    – Another land, there is a unification of Taiwanese. Also the US and China association is good. But Taiwan will can be critic situation.
    – In Latin America there is an influence of the US to Colombia. Their economic and politic structures are not good to the US.

    For these circumstances the US need to stop their some budgets and they need to transformation their army. These are contradictions.

    The European Security Datas

    Untill this time, European countries have priorities on economic and social subjects. But later from this moment it will spend much money to defence.
    The US is spending % 3.5 to defense of its GNP. Its 18 allies in NATO are spending something on the order of 140 $ billion.
    In Transatlantic alliance, tensions of the US and France have made all situations. But France has tried another ways on modernisation, reform and militaric spending.
    German works on their social and domestic problems. They spend to militaric modernisation less than cold war season.

    TODAY

    German spends 1.3-1.5%
    The USA 3.6%
    France 2.4%
    Britain 2.6%
    Spain 1.2%

    Other European countries spend to specialize slowly. They are joining new world style of specialazition. We can give example for these countries like Spain, Norway, Poland. But there are other states, lie Belgium that is not making specialiaze.
    By these actions we can not say something about European and NATO member countries achievement at their projects. There can be false and worse things.
    Europe has also some afraids from Cold War. They went to make tampon areas to them and get from here some energy sources in the Persian Gulf and North Africa.

    The World’s oil consumption : (million barrel)

    1990 – 2000 -2005 – 2010 – 2015 – 2020 – 2025
    66.1 – 76.9 – 81.1 – 89.7 – 98.8 – 108.2 – 118.8

    Algeria Libya Oil Production :

    2001 – 2010 – 2020 – 2025
    3.3 – – 4.0 – – 5.0 – – 5.7

    MENA – Total Production :

    1990 – 2001 -2005 – 2010 – 2015 – 2020 – 2025
    22.9 — 27.5 — 29.9 — 34.9 — 37.2 — 46.4 — 53.6

    MENA – World Capacity : (%)

    1990 – 2001 – 2010 – 2015 – 2020
    33 – – 34.7 – – 39.5 – – 40.1 – – 43.0

    The world need to strong energy as oil. They pay for this very much. And the USA also pay attention to this. And it should share all its imports with oil companions under the International Energy Agency.

    Some Security Problems

    With the threat of Soviet as Cold War, Europe planned to make tampon area the Middle East countries including as Greater Middle East.
    With planning of the Greater Middle East plan, Islamic problems had existed in Muslim countries. After from Cold War, only problem is Islamic extremism an terrorism. With the mediatic influencings and circumstances about Arab-Israeli problems Western colonialism and religious problem, the Greater Middle East project was damaged.

    Population Growth

    With all growing, educational, political, social and economic systems must be balanced to these subjects. And with growing population, working also is growing. Working age is between 15 and 20.

    MENA Population (million)

    1950 – 1960 – 1970 – 1980- 1990 – 2000
    78.6 – 101.2 -133.0 -177.9 – 244.8- 307.1

    2010 – 2020 – 2030 – 2040 – 2050
    376.2 – 449.3 – 522.3 – 592.1- 656.3

    MENA Working Age Population

    1950- 2000 -2050
    20.5 -87.8- 145.2

    Mean of growing is not only good things. It is bringing some social and economic turbulences. And there should be some solves to these problems.
    By the all statistic datas, governing systems are also important in Middle East. Monarch as traditional interfere social structures. There should be democratic structure.

    Afghanistan – Iraq – Arab and Israeli Conflicts

    If the USA want to be succesful about Greater Middle East, it should regulate social situations in Afghanistan. There are some social pressures that are preventing access of the USA.
    Also there is an influencing of Pakistani Islamic circumstance to Afghanistan. And as we know, Al Qaida is living in this state now. Al Qaida’s influence is very important.
    On the other hand, there is a Russian interest in this area. Russian influence as important as other circumstances. The USA should prevent all negative subjects.
    If the USA want to make peace and prevent Israeli-Arab war in Palestine, it should work with European states. Israel has some relations with all European states. If there is a common judge to Israel, it can go to finish.
    But nobody finishes the war of Israel because there are common interests in this area with Israel. And the USA also has some interests. All meetings are unreal. For the USA and European states, the most important thing is oil. And they are meeting as friendly Arab states for oil. We can see these events in Arafat’s and Abbas’ season. This war can be finished by Muslim attack on Israel or common negotiations.
    The biggest mistake of the USA is the bad acting to Iran. Because if we think rationally, the USA has a project about Middle East, but it is acting as badly with these countries. It is very interesting. It should repair their relations.
    Bush administration or other Western thinkers are talking about clash between civilizations. But according to them, only Muslim geography has clashing problem among each other. We should think that Western world doesn’t want to peace among the Muslims. Because their self interests are important.
    Another hand, there is clash among Western societies. This clash theory had been told for making false thoughts amon Muslims.
    The USA knows all situations and they balance all events for their interests.

    New Security Mission

    According to our datas, the Greater Middle East project will be defeated. Because the USA is losting all balance powers on this area. Already, this is for the USA.
    They want to take oil because the USA’s blood is only oil. So, their greed is only for these things on this project. They are making wars in all Muslim countries. We need to time for looking all defeatings of Western world if they are on only this way.

    Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu
    Baku Qafqaz University
    Energy Institute

  • The reality of the Kurdish violence in Kirkuk

    The reality of the Kurdish violence in Kirkuk

    Mofak Salman Kerkuklu

    ITF Turkmen in Kirkuk after being attacked by the Kurds

    In the middle of August 2008. Iraq’s parliament reached an agreement on the Provincial Council Election Law, particularly with regard to Paragraph 24 of the law, which deals with the election mechanism in the Kirkuk Governorate. The postponement of the elections and adaptation of the division of Kirkuk to the three constituencies that include the proportion of 32 % for Arabs, Kurds, and Turkmen and 4% for Assyrians.

    Turkmen, Arab and Assyrians proposed equal distribution of provincial council seats in the Kirkuk region – which is outside the Kurdish territory. This was vetoed by President Jalal Talabani and his deputy, Adel Abdul Mahdi. 

    Before the voting, the Kurds rejected secret ballot whereas the opposition had requested a secret ballot and the members of the Iraqi parliament voted open and secret voting. The majority of members have decided for secret voting and the deputy parliamentary speaker Khalid al-Attiyah, a Shiite, said the secret ballot was unconstitutional and accused the lawmakers of “arm-twisting.”

    On the 22nd of August 2008, decision was made by 127 Iraqi members of parliament they voted in favour of the Provincial Council Election Law, particularly with regard to Paragraph 24 of the law, which deals with the election mechanism in the Kirkuk Governorate. The distribution of power that include the proportion of 32 % for Arabs, Kurds, and Turkmen and 4% for Assyrians. 

    The security of the town shall be controlled by the central government rather than the current military forces that are stationed in the town. The security forces that are linked to the political parties have to leave. 

    The bill was approved by 127 out of 140 deputies that attended the meeting and 10 of those members decided not to vote. Two of them decided to vote against and one MP submitted a blank ballot paper but the Iraq’s parliament still passed the law. The Kurds, along with the two deputy parliamentary speakers, walked out of the chamber after lawmakers decided to hold a secret ballot on a power-sharing item in the law for the disputed, oil-rich city of Kirkuk. This was vetoed by President Jalal Talabani and his deputy, Adel Abdul Mahdi. 

    On the 27th of July 2008 the secret police that are linked to both Kurdish parties distributed leaflets informing the people of Kirkuk, especially the Turkmen to participate in a protest that had been organised by the Kurds against the adoption of the law of elections for provincial assemblies causing a postponement of elections in the city for an indefinite period. Also the Kurdish police whom accompanied the Kurdish Asayish informed the Turkmen shop owners to close their shops and anyone who opened his shop would be subjected to punishment and his shop will be ransacked. The Kurdish Asayish separated roamers that all the governmental buildings would be close and the Kurdish directors in Kirkuk informed the Turkmen employees not to attend to work and anyone failing to do so he/she will be punished and his wages will be cut. 

    As the result of this, the Turkmen population in the Kirkuk was extremely worried and concerned as this event reminded the Turkmen of the Kurdish massacre of the Turkmen in 1959, when Turkmen were burned, killed,/executed. Some were attached to ropes and pulled behind cars in the mains street of Kirkuk by the Kurds and some communist party members. As a result, panic among the Turkmen population in Kirkuk caused them to approach the Turkmen member of the Kirkuk governing council Mr. Hassan Turan and Turkmen Chief of Police Burhan Tayip, asking for advice and help. 

    So on the 27th of July both Mr. Hassan Turan approached the Kirkuk governor Mr. Mustafa Abdullrahman who is a Kurd. After a lengthy meeting and discussion with him on this subject, Mr. Mustafa Abdullrahman acknowledged to Mr. Hassan Tuan that a Kurdish protest has been organised and he assured Mr. Hassan Turan but all the government offices shall be opened and participation in the demonstration is not compulsory. 

    But on the afternoon and evening of the 27th of July Mr. Hassan Turan and Turkmen Chief Police in Kirkuk Mr. Burhan Tayip and also Turhan Abdurrahman appeared on Turkmeneli TV advising the worried Turkmen population about the demonstration. What they have to do. Measures that are needed to be taken and both advised the Turkmen citizens to carry out their normal business. Shop keepers are free to open their shops and all governmental offices would open and no one should be forced to participate in this demonstration. He also mentioned that the Kurds have the right to demonstrate in order to express their protest. Both advised the population to be calm and avoid any provocation that might be implemented by the other side (which he meant by the Kurds). 

    In the meantime, the Kirkuk governor Mr., Mustafa Abdullrahman who is a Kurd never appeared on the TV or on radio to assure the population in Kirkuk this is going to be a Kurdish demonstration and no one is forced to attend this protest. Whereas the Kurdish directors for many government offices have openly threatened Turkmens staff their salaries will be cut if they do not participate in the protest. The Kurdish police have threatened the shop keepers to close their shops and any shop that opens will be looted and destroyed.

    In the meantime on the 27th of July, mini bus drivers owned by the Turkmen reported that their car disc and certificate of Insurance had been forcedly taken by the Kurdish police and they were informed this would be returned when these drivers transport the Kurdish demonstrators to the meeting point free of charge.

    On the 28th of July, prior to the demonstration the local government in Kirkuk and Kurdish-led personnel of the two Kurdish parties blocked all road access that lead to government works places. They set up various checking point in order to prevent the people from going to their work.

    The shop keepers were forced to close their shops and Kurdish director in various governmental offices locked the main doors to prevent the people from attending their work place and forced the employees to participate in the demonstration. 

    At about 9.00am, approximately three thousand Kurdish protesters gathered near Turkmen Castel (Qelat Kirkuk) as a meeting point to commence their protest towards the Kirkuk governing in order to show their anger and to condemn the adoption of the law of elections for provincial assemblies and causing a postponement of elections in the city for an indefinite period by the Iraqi government. 

    Since the security of the town is controlled by both the US forces and the police in Kirkuk, thus they were obliged to guarantee the safety and security for the people in Kirkuk, but it was negligence on behalf of the US forces for granting permission for the Kurdish protest to go ahead and especially allowing the Kurdish protestors to pass through a routes that are mainly Turkmen neighbourhood, This protest was designed by the Kurds to show their mussels and to provoke the Turkmen population in the town. Nevertheless, the demonstration commenced from Qelat Kirkuk toward the Kirkuk governing office to demand the holding of elections and the application of Article 140 for the normalization of the situation in the province. 

    According to the eyewitness, Kurdish demonstrators, Kurdish police wearing civil clothes were brought from outside of the Turkmen city of Kirkuk such as Erbil and Suleymaniyah by mini buses, private cars and police cars. This was to mislead the media and to show the world that the overwhelming population of Kirkuk was refusing the decision of the Iraqi central government towards the adoption of the law of elections for provincial assemblies causing a postponement of elections in the city for an indefinite period. 

    The Kurdish demonstrators prior the demonstration were seen carrying automatic weapons, pistols, iron bars, baseball bats and Kurdish flags. The protestors were escorted and protected by the local police forces that mainly consist of Kurds and also Kurdish secret service police who are known as Asayish.

    The Kurdish protestors walked through the street of Kirkuk and chanting patriotic songs and provocation slogans against the Arabs and the Turkmens. Almost at 11am on the 28/7/2008 at the [Nafura] fountain area opposite to the Kirkuk governate, an explosion occurred and according to the Kurdish police, the explosion was caused by a female suicide bomber. Killing at least 22 and injuring at least 120 while the Kurdish were demonstrating but no one claimed responsibility for the bombing, which bore the hallmarks of Sunni Arab extremists. Nonetheless, many in the crowd blamed Kurds extremists for the attack. 

    After the explosion, the Kurdish guards started to open fire, shooting into the air as “Najat Hassam, a senior member of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), quoted by AFP as saying.”More people responded to the gunfire with heavy shooting. The rumours in the towns was that the Kurdish police carried out this attack in order to create chaos, instability and to show the world that they are the victims but the more realistic reason was that to create a civil war thus the Kurdish militia would have a good reason to enter the town with large numbers of Kurdish militia. 

    Turkmen properties after being attacked by the Kurds

    But within a few minutes, rumours and misleading information was started by the Kurdish police stating, the explosion was caused by the Turkmen. The Kurdish Asayish started directing the protestors to attack the Turkmen targets in the city of Kirkuk. Elsewhere, the media started broadcasting Kurdish news claiming that the Iraqi Turkmen Front (ITF) guards opened fire on the Kurdish demonstrators and that the Kurdish demonstrators defended themselves by replying back. 

    The protesters attacked the headquarters of the ITF party headquarters, the head quarter of the political prisoners and families of martyrs, Sonuber hotel, Turkmen shops and Turkmen properties. But the most striking thing was that the Turkmeneli TV Station was attacked and its content was burnt prior to the blast.

    The ITF head office is approximately a distance of one kilometer away from the site of the blast and the ITF headquarters is located in a residential area and not on the main street as was stated by the Kurdish media. 

    A large number of Kurdish armed demonstrators escorted with Kurdish police opened heavy fire to the Turkmen guards whom were guarding the building which this resulted injury one of the guards, including the head of the security personnel. They set ablaze to their vehicles; the demonstrators later attacked Turkmen properties and the set a light to the cars and properties of the Turkmen people. Then the Kurdish Asayish burst into the ITF office and burnt it contents and cause a tremendous damages to the building and its contents. Then the Kurdish secret police kidnapped five Turkmen guards including the injured person. 

    One of the ITF guards was wounded and after they ran out of ammunition no help arrived from the police. Then the ITF building was stormed by the Kurdish secret police and the armed demonstrators. The five Turkmen guards including the injured guard were taken to the undisclosed location by the Kurdish Asayish.

    Then the content of the Iraqi ITF building was ransacked and its content was set on the fire. Staff cars and ITF cars were set on fire and all this happened in the presence of the local Kirkuk police whom are mainly Kurds. All these atrocities occurred in the front of the eyes US forces and local police. The police forces in Kirkuk didn’t take any action against the protesters but kept watching them. 

    ITF in Kirkuk after being attacked by Kurdish militia
    Turkmen properties being attacked by the Kurds
    ITF in Kirkuk after being attacked by Kurdish militia

    But the most interesting thing was that after the explosion Mr.Yahya Albarzenchi, of Kurdish origin, a Cameraman working for Associated Press was taking images for the Kurdish protestors who are attacking the Turkmen, but unfortunately the protestors thought that Mr. Yahiya Albarzenchi is a Turkmen citizen working for the Turkmeneli TV station as a Cameraman. He was immediately attacked by the Kurdish crowds with fists, sticks, iron bars and was kicked variously while he was lying on the ground unconscious. The footage of the attack on the Mr.Yahya Albarzenchi the cameraman working for Associated Press was shown frequently on the Turkmeneli TV Satellite on the 30th of July 2008. The Turkmeneli TV showed how the Kurdish mobs had beaten Mr.Yahya Albarzenchi even when he was unconscious on the ground. But prior to this film footage the Kurdish police announced that the Mr.Yahya Albarzenchi was among the dead during the blast. 

    Turkmen properties being attacked by the Kurds

    After the explosion, the Kurdish police had set up check point on the road that leads into and out of Kirkuk. Cars were stopped and searched. Turkmen individuals were taken out of the car and attacked, beaten, abused and their car was smashed before leaving the check point. The attack on the Turkmens was widely condemned by Iraqi politicians, civil organizations and Turkmen organisations but the most striking thing was that Kirkuk governor and Iraqi president Jalal Talabani whom both is Kurds did not condemn the attack on the Turkmen in Kirkuk. 

    Turkmen properties being attacked by the Kurds

    The problem of Kirkuk is not a constitutional one but lies in the ambiguity of Article 140. According to article 140 of Iraqi constitution, the problem of the disputed areas, notably the oil-rich province of Kirkuk, addressed three stages of a normalization and then to conduct a census among the population, followed by a referendum on the fate of areas which will decide whether Kirkuk will join the Conservatives or the Kurdistan region. It was supposed to accomplish those stages during a maximum period of 31 December last year a deadline which was extended by the united nation representative without the approval of the central government for six months ending on June 30th.

    Turkmen properties being attacked by the Kurds

    Nevertheless, the Kurdish Brotherhood List at the Kirkuk Governorate Council held an extraordinary meeting on the 31/7/2008. The 24 members of the 41-member of the Kirkuk Governorate Council presented a request to the Kurdistan Region Government and the Iraqi parliament to make the governorate part of Kurdistan Region as they believe that Article 140 of the Constitution has not been implemented and that Article 24 of the Provincial Council Election Draft Law does not meet their ambitions. 

    Whereas the Turkmen and Arabs regarded this extraordinary session as illegal. Also the Turkmen leadership has requested to replace the Kurdish police in Kirkuk with army forces from central and southern Iraq, the postponement of the elections and adaptation of the division of Kirkuk to the three constituencies include the proportion of 32 % for both Arabs and Kurds and Turkmen and 4% for Assyrians

    In the meantime, on the 31/7/2008, a statement by the Turkish Foreign Ministry was released regarding the issue of Kirkuk, which stated that the Turkish Foreign Ministry were concerned and were deeply alarmed about the demand by some members of the governorate of Kirkuk, regarding a Kurdish list to join the Northern Department. The Turkish Ministry of Foreign affairs said in a statement: ‘We in Turkey express our deep concern on what we see and what happened in the governorate of Kirkuk, where some members agreed to join the Council in Kirkuk to the north of Iraq and Turkey’s position on Kirkuk would not have ever changed in the present and future and the Arab and Turkmen called this moves by the Kurd as a provocation.’ 

    However, on the 2/8/2008 the Arabs in the distrust of Hawija demonstrated against the Kurdish decision and the Turkmeneli Camera was there to show the plight of the Arabs. He was arrested when he returned to the check point that was set up by the Kurdish police at the entrance to Kirkuk. He was interrogated, abused verbally and physically. 

    Mofak salman Kerkuklu graduated in England with a BSc in Electrical and Electronic Engineering from Oxford Brookes University and completed an MSc in Medical Electronics and Physics at London University and an MSc in Computing Science and Information Technology at South Bank University. He is also a Chartered Engineer from the Institution of Engineers of Ireland. Mr.Mofak Salman is the author of Brief History of Iraqi Turkmen and Turkmen of Iraq and The Turkmen City of Tuz Khormatu. He is the Turkmeneli Party representative for both the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom. He has had a large number of articles published in various newspapers and websites.

    This book was written with four clear purposes in mind: firstly, to make an assessment of the current position of Turkmen in Kirkuk; secondly, to highlight the oppression of Turkmen after the toppling of Saddam Hussein’s regime; thirdly, to introduce a brief history of the Turkmen in Iraq to the world; and finally, to draw the world’s attention to the situation and the oppression of Turkmen in Iraq and also to reveal the Kurdish atrocities against the Turkmen

  • The Comeback of Extremists in Turkey

    The Comeback of Extremists in Turkey

    Filed under: Lead Story, Turkey — Michael van der Galien, Editor-in-Chief on August 20, 2008 @ 9:48 pm CEST

    PoliGazette’s Michael van der Galiën reports from Istanbul, Turkey.

    ISTANBUL, TURKEY – When I visited the former capital of the Ottoman Empire, Istanbul, last year, I noticed more women wear a headscarf here than in Turkey’s second city, Izmir.

    Additionally, I was greatly impressed by the size of Istanbul. For Dutch standards, Izmir is gigantic with its four million inhabitants. Istanbul, however, is so big that the Dutch nor English language have words to describe the feeling a Dutchman gets when he walks in Istanbul for the first time. The amount of people – from all races, classes, religions, backgrounds – is breathtaking. People and cars are everywhere. Crossing the street is an adventure; it could literally be your death if you do not run. One gets the impression that all 15 million inhabitants of the city want to get to work at the same time.

    As said, that was not the only difference I noticed between the two cities. Izmir is truly a secular city. One sees almost no women wearing a headscarf. The women in Izmir are emancipated and modern.

    In Istanbul the situation was different back in 2007. One did, of course, not see any burqas, for Turks tend to greatly dislike those customs, but headscarves were everywhere. Where only 5% or so of the female population of Izmir covers her head, it is not hard to imagine this number to be somewhere around 50% in Istanbul.

    This year the situation in Istanbul has become worse. The step from a secular (Baku, Azerbaijan) city in a Moslem country to a religious city in a different Moslem country was gigantic. In Baku, like in Izmir, you can see just about no woman cover herself. In Istanbul, however, the situation has not merely remained the same, it has become worse.

    One gets the impression that the political power of the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, is transforming this city in rather rapidly. Whenever I walk to a shop, even if it is only 500 meters (yards) away I can see at least one, mostly more, women completely dressed in black (something I did not see – often – last year). All too often the only thing you see is the women’s eyes. The rest is covered.

    Many of these women are not Turks. They are mostly from Iran. Television in Iran is strictly censured. There is no chance whatsoever of Iranian women seeing things the religious leaders of that country do not want them to see. They mostly do not import TV shows. Many of the shows they do import, however, are from fellow Moslem countries. Especially Turkish TV shows are, I have been told, fairly popular in Iran.

    Since Iranian men have to work and women often stay at home, or at least enjoy watching said shows, they get acquainted with Turkey, and especially with Istanbul. Most Turkish TV shows take place in this major city. They become curious and want to see it with their own eyes.

    So, they convince their husband to book a trip to Istanbul, put their burqas in their suitcases, get in a plane and… before you know, you see them walking here.

    Those women are not, however, the only ones dressed completely in black. Increasingly more Turkish women cover themselves completely as well. They talk like Turks, they walk like Turks… but they are dressed like Iranians and Saudis. They radically change the landscape; unlike the other Turkish women they are not laughing, nor talking loudly with each other. They are silent and follow their husband. They look at women who do not dress like them with an arrogance hard to imagine; one has to see the look to understand just how ‘dirty’ it is.

    And so, the landscape in Istanbul is changing. One wonders whether it has reached an extreme and will become less in the coming years, whether it will remain the same or, and this is what I fear, it will become worse.

     

    __._,_.___

  • The Comeback of Extremists in Turkey

    The Comeback of Extremists in Turkey

    PoliGazette’s Michael van der Galiën reports from Istanbul, Turkey.ISTANBUL, TURKEY – When I visited the former capital of the Ottoman Empire, Istanbul, last year, I noticed more women wear a headscarf here than in Turkey’s second city, Izmir.

    Additionally, I was greatly impressed by the size of Istanbul. For Dutch standards, Izmir is gigantic with its four million inhabitants. Istanbul, however, is so big that the Dutch nor English language have words to describe the feeling a Dutchman gets when he walks in Istanbul for the first time. The amount of people – from all races, classes, religions, backgrounds – is breathtaking. People and cars are everywhere. Crossing the street is an adventure; it could literally be your death if you do not run. One gets the impression that all 15 million inhabitants of the city want to get to work at the same time.

    As said, that was not the only difference I noticed between the two cities. Izmir is truly a secular city. One sees almost no women wearing a headscarf. The women in Izmir are emancipated and modern.

    In Istanbul the situation was different back in 2007. One did, of course, not see any burqas, for Turks tend to greatly dislike those customs, but headscarves were everywhere. Where only 5% or so of the female population of Izmir covers her head, it is not hard to imagine this number to be somewhere around 50% in Istanbul.

    This year the situation in Istanbul has become worse. The step from a secular (Baku, Azerbaijan) city in a Moslem country to a religious city in a different Moslem country was gigantic. In Baku, like in Izmir, you can see just about no woman cover herself. In Istanbul, however, the situation has not merely remained the same, it has become worse.

    One gets the impression that the political power of the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, is transforming this city in rather rapidly. Whenever I walk to a shop, even if it is only 500 meters (yards) away I can see at least one, mostly more, women completely dressed in black (something I did not see – often – last year). All too often the only thing you see is the women’s eyes. The rest is covered.

    Many of these women are not Turks. They are mostly from Iran. Television in Iran is strictly censured. There is no chance whatsoever of Iranian women seeing things the religious leaders of that country do not want them to see. They mostly do not import TV shows. Many of the shows they do import, however, are from fellow Moslem countries. Especially Turkish TV shows are, I have been told, fairly popular in Iran.

    Since Iranian men have to work and women often stay at home, or at least enjoy watching said shows, they get acquainted with Turkey, and especially with Istanbul. Most Turkish TV shows take place in this major city. They become curious and want to see it with their own eyes.

    So, they convince their husband to book a trip to Istanbul, put their burqas in their suitcases, get in a plane and… before you know, you see them walking here.

    Those women are not, however, the only ones dressed completely in black. Increasingly more Turkish women cover themselves completely as well. They talk like Turks, they walk like Turks… but they are dressed like Iranians and Saudis. They radically change the landscape; unlike the other Turkish women they are not laughing, nor talking loudly with each other. They are silent and follow their husband. They look at women who do not dress like them with an arrogance hard to imagine; one has to see the look to understand just how ‘dirty’ it is.

    And so, the landscape in Istanbul is changing. One wonders whether it has reached an extreme and will become less in the coming years, whether it will remain the same or, and this is what I fear, it will become worse.