Turkish Forum

Category: Authors

  • EDWARD TASHJI–A MAN WHO ALWAYS MARCHED TO HIS OWN DRUMMER

    EDWARD TASHJI–A MAN WHO ALWAYS MARCHED TO HIS OWN DRUMMER

    Mahmut Esat Ozan
    Chairman-Editorial Board
    The Turkish Forum-USA

    We already began to miss our brother Edward.He was more close to us than many a Turk who unwittingly and with great ingratitude turned against their own country and brothers and sisters. The Akcams, the Berktays, the Goceks and so on are probably happy that one less critic of them is
    eliminated. Edward was and still is one of us who lament the ugly doings of the above-mentioned traitors. He was and I repeat still is among one of our great supporters. There was a Christian Judge from Hazen, Arkansas who admired Edward and had lengthy conversations with him after I had gotten
    them together. I even sent Edward Sam Weem’s specially signed copy of his excellent book, entitled: SECRETS OF A “CHRISTIAN” TERRORIST STATE, ARMENIA. Edward was almost lost for words when he called me a few days after he had received and devoured Sam’s book. He said he started to read
    it in the afternoon and had to finish it by next morning .He said he had to call me to tell me how valuable a book it was and thanked me over and over again for not having forgotten him .

    Edward was not someone a Turk could easily forget. His courage and believability on the subjet of a pseudo genocide invented by his fellow Armenians, was as impressive if not more of another honest and lion-hearted Christian such as Judge Sam.The two together should have been with us today writing about the truth about the mythological Genocide..They were both the personification of extreme courage. Sam’s book, which is still available through the Turkish Forum, had said all
    that Sam wanted to say about the ungrateful Armenians. The following on the other hand, are a few rare words I had obtained from the “The Tall Armenian Tales”.

    He is called “Turk Dostu” “A Friend of Turks.” Edward Tashji is a man of principle who refuses to follow the safe, familiar pro-Armenian drumbeat; he makes up his own mind, and is a Truth-Seeker of the first order. It is mind-boggling that those like him can practically be counted on only one
    hand.

    A Friend of Turks

    An introduction to Edward Tashji’s philosophy, “who has spoken and written the words which NO OTHER Armenian has in his heart to do so.” (“The inseparability of our peoples had been instilled in my heart and soul by parents who displayed compassion rather than vengeance, truth rather than
    misrepresentation, love instead of hate.”)

    Why the Euphemism, Armenian “Hate Merchants”?

    A phrase Mr. Tashji coined a quarter-century ago, after coming face-to-face with “a monster, truly a Frankenstein of hate!” … “To cognitively comprehend the attitude of Armenians toward the Turkish
    people, it is necessary to be knowledgeable of the Armenian psyche.”

    We Must Respond Vociferously to Stereotypes and Hurtful Negligence!

    This is a favorite Tashji commentary of Holdwater’s, where Mr. Tashji provides just a few examples of his battles against the unfair depiction of Turks in the Western media, over the years. Thank you, Mr. Tashji!

    A Subject Which Must Not Be Avoided

    The writer examines roots of anti-Turkish prejudice, looks at a poem a six-year-old Armenian girl from California is taught, and provides the favorite following line: “…at the same time, (President Clinton’s) schedule does permit a meeting with twenty representatives of numerous Armenian groups! What would it take to arrange even a few minutes with the President of ‘all’ the people? I will give you one gue$!”

    An Armenian Sponsored Lecture

    Edward Tashji attended a lecture featuring “genocide scholar” Hilmar Kaiser in 1999, and offered Herr Kaiser a few lessons of his own.

    Religious Freedom and Harmony as Revealed by Seven Candles

    A moving piece. An occasion to honor the memory of the president of the American Association of Jewish Friends of Turkey brings to mind the harmony and freedoms that marked the essence of the Ottoman Empire, in contrast to the falsification of Turkish culture we are normally subjected
    to.

    What Does April 24th Mean To This Ethnic Armenian?

    The author passionately reminds us that this beloved occasion for the Armenian hate merchants, presenting them with the regular opportunity to distort history while defaming the honor of a great nation, much more serves as a sad perpetuation of animosity… allowing for the “venom of hate” to continue crippling young minds.

    In The Midst Of War “A Letter And A True Love Story”

    A beautiful telling of how Mr. Tashji’s parents met during the madness of WWI… two amazing people who decided to raise their children with the lesson of loving thy neighbor as opposed to what some people who profess to be Christians advocate.

    The Enigmatic Armenian Continues To Fumble

    This is a wonderful essay detailing the misrepresentations of an article that appeared in an Armenian newspaper, regarding the early days of bands offering music from the Turkish and Armenian part of the world, to New York City audiences. Edward Tashji was one such musician.

    Why Did I Testify Against My Own People?

    One Armenian’s Soul-Searching Self-Interrogation! The reasons certainly have nothing to do with being anti-Armenian…. but with the Armenian preoccupation with hatred, and the sad condition the author terms as “eternal animosity.”

    Did the Turks and the Armenians Share a Common Culture?

    A look at some Armenians who made a difference in Ottoman society, and a reminder of the commonalities that bind the two peoples

    Program for a Turkish Course of Action

    When ASALA and other Armenian terrorist organizations were spewing forth death and destruction in the 1970s and 80s, Edward Tashji came up with a plan to combat the Western world’s indifference and prejudice toward Turks. The plan has Turkish-Americans in mind, but is a must read for Turkish people who have settled anywhere else in the world.

    Edward said once the following:

    To the Armenians I am a traitor, one who has committed the greatest sin; to the Turks I have come to be known as a, “Turk dostu” aka a friend of Turks: ours is the embrace of brotherhood.”

    After Edwards own words whatever I would say would be superfluous Therefore I will suffice with what I have for my readers and thank his wonderful wife Mary for her participation of her husband’s everlasting friendship endless belief that Turks were not the monsters the Armenians picture them to be. May he rest in peace knowing that he has 70 million hearts which are broken without him but we have his book and all his previous writings and above all we have his fond memory to last us several
    life times.

  • Atatürk’s Prophesies: Why Douglas MacArthur Believed in them too?

    Atatürk’s Prophesies: Why Douglas MacArthur Believed in them too?

    Stories compiled By Prof. Mahmut Esat Ozan

    It was on November 24, 1935 that Mustafa Kemal, the first president of the young Turkish Republic, was given the name of ATATÜRK by the Grand National Assembly. He had led his people through war into self-government and finally into an entirely new way of life. He had been their teacher, adviser, as well as the father of the entire nation, since the word “Ata” in Turkish means just that.

    That same year a young American General, called Douglas MacArthur, came from thousands of miles away to pay homage to his idol, the great Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who had started to use his official name of Atatürk a short time earlier.

    General MacArthur visited Atatürk and had long conversations with him concerning the gathering clouds of war in Europe. In one of these conversations, Atatürk said: “The Versailles peace settlement will not end the reasons that started the World War. It has deepened the gap between nations, for there were centuries that imposed peace and forced the stipulations upon those who were defeated. Versailles was settled under the influence of hatred and was an expression of revenge. It went beyond the meaning of an armistice. If you Americans had decided not to be involved in European events and had followed up President Wilson’s suggestions, this period would have been longer, but the result of the settlement would have been peace. Just as the period of settlement would have been longer, the hatred and revenge would have been lessened and lasting peace would have been possible.” [Editor’s note: The Americans were indeed involved with the War after 1916, but after the War the public opinion in the U.S. changed. The Senate did not ratify the Versailles Treaty. America minded its own business. The Wilson principles were distorted by the British and the French to suit their own purposes, which of course sawed the seeds of World War II] Atatürk continued to prophesy: “To my understanding, just as it happened yesterday, the future of Europe will be dependent upon Germany. That nation is dynamic and disciplined. If Germany unites, it will seek to shake off the yoke of the Versailles Treaty. Germany, Russia, and England will have a strong army to conquer Europe. The next war will come from 1940 to 1945. France has lost the spirit of creating a powerful army, and therefore, England will not depend upon France to protect herself. France will no longer be a buffer state. “Italy will improve, somewhat, under Mussolini. He will first try to avoid war, if he can. But I fear that he will try to play the role of Caesar and it will prove to the World that Italy cannot produce a powerful army yet.”

    “America will not be able to avoid war and Germany will be defeated only through her interference. If authorities in Europe do not get together on the basis of controversies of political contacts and try to placate their own hatreds and interests, it will be tragic.”

    “The Troubles of England, France, and Germany will not come first or be of primary importance. Something new from the East of Europe has come up that will take primary place of importance. This new threat will spend whatever is available in its resources for international revolution. This power will utilize new political methods to achieve these goals. These methods are not known by Americans and Europeans and this power will try to make use of our small mistakes and the mistakes of Western nations.”

    “The victorious power after the war between 1940 and 1945 will not be England, France, or Germany, but Bolshevism. Being closest to Russia and having had many wars with her in the past, Turkey is watching Russia closely and sees the whole danger developing. Russia knows how to influence and awaken the minds of Eastern countries, and how to give them ideas of nationalism. Russia has encouraged hatred towards the West. Bolshevism is getting to be a power and a great threat to Europe and Asia.”

    After listening with great awe, General MacArthur replied to Atatürk, “I agree with you all the way. The political authorities of Western countries do not see the danger coming up. That bothers me too. By this we are pulled toward a war which would be fruitful to an entirely strange enemy. While Europe is busy in Europe, I am sure that enemy will spread to Asia too, the reason being Japan will try to fulfill her ambition to be the only great Asiatic power, while we are preoccupied in Europe. America cannot stay out of it. Whether we like it or not, Russia will try to enlarge her influence in Asia. If our political leaders will have understanding, they will not let Russia become our ally. That will cost considerable loss of land. Russia will get a big slice of Asia. Instead we should have her land, O.K.,… otherwise we will be helping a new danger. Any war we go into therefore, with Russia on our side, will not put an end to the European situation nor the Asiatic troubles (Perhaps MacArthur thought that Russia would receive war reparations in Asia rather than in the European continent.)

    General MacArthur also touched on other matters relating to a possible gain of communism in China and Manchuria. He also reiterated that the future of the World would be decided in Asia and not in Europe.

    When the conversation ended, Atatürk smiled and said, “Our points of view are almost the same, but let us hope we see it all incorrectly and that the leaders of the other nations will come up with a better result for the whole World.”

    As we all know by now, Atatürk’s hope has not been realized. The savior of Turkey, the great Atatürk died, just before his predictions came true one after the other.

    M. Study Slater, the author of the book THE GOLDEN LINK [M. Study Slater, The Exposition Press, Inc. NY (1962)] from whose pages these prophesies were gleaned, says, “If we look at General MacArthur, the experience, and the last twenty or thirty years and the influence of Atatürk upon him will afford us a better opinion of why he insisted upon certain points and his decisive attitude during the Korean War.” We might add to that statement another reason why General MacArthur was so very laudatory about the courage of the Turkish Brigade fighting side by side, with the American GI’s there.”

    In a relatively short period of time, the dreaded predictions of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and of General Douglas MacArthur, began to take form. The author continues: Benito Mussolini threatened the Mediterranean, and the poor imitation of Caesar started to strut in Ethiopia and Albania. In Germany, Adolf Hitler, a former Austrian wallpaper hanger, was successfully organizing juvenile and adult delinquents into a Third Reich, while Japan swept into Pacific Islands and Southern Asia. Joseph Stalin gathered hungry peasants into a large army and sent an octopus-like network of espionage agents into every country of the world to convert the self-martyred into communism. Mustafa Kemal assigned his friend Ismet Inonu and Fevzi Cakmak to help in building Turkey’s defenses along the Asian border and the Caucasus steppes.

    Within Turkey Atatürk did not tolerate the Mullahs’ constant threats to revolt against the newly established secular republic. Most were imp-risoned, some executed, such as the fanatical religious reactionaries who butchered Lieutenant Kubilay in the city of Menemen near Izmir.

    Atatürk also chased back to the Soviet Union, the Kurds and the Armenians, who were undeniably Communism’s riot-inciting agents in Turkey. The European and American media of the time, quite reminiscent of our contemporary bleeding-heats, such as the Amnesty International and the Helsinki Watch Human Rights ‘brokers’ as I call them, thundered accusations at the terrible Turks for ‘persecuting’ these poor defenseless people. “Defenseless!” screamed Atatürk, “Their persecuted defenseless hypocrisy is just what makes them dangerous. Have the Americans forgotten their own revolution?”

    Mustafa Kemal Atatürk realized that his immortality was assured through the love of his people and his historic role in new democratic Turkey. However, consciousness of this fact did not at all change the conduct of his life. His first asset was his belief in society, and though he fought directly for the nation, he always indirectly fought for human kind, of which he was an excellent example.

  • About Prof. Ozan

    About Prof. Ozan

    Mahmut Esat Ozan
    Turkish Forum Advisory Board member
    Chairmen Editorial Board Turkish Forum

    Country: United States of America

    Anyone, who attended Galatasaray during the years of 1933 to l943 would remember Mahmut Abi as a little boy who loved movies, especially American movies, and who would very often sneak out of his dormitory at night and go to the 3rd floor balcony of the school conference room where the older boys would be watching films, hoping they would let him in to watch, too, and they usually did.

    As time went on, he acquired as much information about America as he could. When he was in the 6th grade he prepared an American-style weekly magazine by hand, with even a cartoon and a crossword puzzle, and loaned it to be read among his classmates. He became an expert on American popular culture, especially on movies and songs. He became fluent in French and excelled in English. Owing to his association with the Jewish students in school he started to learn also another language,(Ladino) Spanish, and later on Portuguese. With a good mustache and correct hair cut, he earned the nickname of Donamec for the Hollywood actor Don Ameche, whom, everyone said, he resembled a lot at that time.

    After graduation, he spent three years as Muallim Muavini, a sort of a Teacher’s Aide at the school, then started writing articles for “PERDE ve SAHNE” published by Bedia Muvahhit, the favorite actress of the Turkish theatre in those days. He also worked 5 days a week for the Motion Picture Censor Board as a simultaneous translator/interpreter for English and French movies. Turkey was neutral during those Second World War days, but there had to be censorship, not to offend any of the countries involved. And while it was wartime, there was also martial law. After completing his military school training in Ankara, Mahmut Abi was assigned to work at the office of the General in charge of the State government under martial law, as an interpreter/translator. He continued his services at the Censor Board, but wearing his 2n Lieutenant’s uniform to work. His abilities in the area of foreign languages would be a great help for him throughout his life. While attending the University of Istanbul in preparation for the banking career his mother wished for him, his heart and head were much more interested in Cinema magazines than banking. He began writing regular articles for several dailies and movie magazines. Yildiz was one of them. Several years later while in Hollywood he conducted and sent close to 50 interviews with big time stars and celebrities. But long before that, in 1943 he even published his own publication called SINEMAGAZIN, an enterprise which gave him, if not monetary success, a great deal of experience in journalism. He had one burning desire, and that was to get to the United States to study. He researched every bit of information available on American colleges and universities entrance requirements, tuitions, and cost of living, and wrote his book, AMERIKAYA DOGRU, a guide for students wishing to study in America.

    Finally, in 1946, he received acceptance to the School of Journalism of the University of Indiana in Bloomington. This should have afforded him a happy student life, but, unfortunately, the money he had entrusted with a businessman relative placed his money in a stocks venture and lost it. Mahmut Abi in Indiana was being forced to return home. What saved him was the fact that he was the only Turkish student his professors and the members of women’s clubs had ever met, and by appearing before these groups, lecturing his audiences with color slide shows and explaining to them life in Turkey, he won several friends and a full scholarship to finish his degree in Journalism.

    For a brief moment, during the summer before his senior year, the Hollywood bug bit him again, and he drove to California, landed a job as assistant manager of the Grauman’s Chinese theater, where he helped with the movie premieres and stars with their shoes and hands imprints cast in wet cement. He applied to Ben Bard’s school of acting not to become a movie actor, but to learn the art of making movies. His biggest fantasy was to make an epic saga on the Conquest of “Constantinople” and the Turkish Sultan Mehmet II. This moment in paradise, however, came to an end when the Immigration Dept. caught up with him. He was told he was illegally working on a student visa, and had to return to his university in Indiana to finish his studies. It was Kismet that by going back to Indiana that Fall he was going to meet and marry his Ruhan. That was 48 years ago this past February.

    Mahmut Abi and Ruhan returned to Turkey in 1953. Being the very first Turk having received a degree in Journalism, he was offered the position to help establish the university’s Institute of Journalism. He was to set up operation, prepare curricula for the school and teach a couple of classes too, all for a grand total of T.L. 150 a month. The highest salary for a governmental minister in the capital was T.L.450, and the President of the University of Istanbul was paid T.L. 350 at the time. However, at the end he was told he could not get the job because the position he was offered was a government job and his wife was not a Turkish citizen. Knowing that today even the military officers have non-Turkish spouses, Mahmut Abi just smiles and does not even complain. any more. The next stop was Ankara. That job refusal previously in Istanbul landed him a much better and lucrative position at the U.S. Mutual Security Administration in the capital city of Turkey. He was hired on the spot as a Special Administrative Coordinator and Senior Interpreter. The MSA organization then was the precursor of the present A.I.D. He, as a specialist, was entrusted in preparing a wide variety of instructional pamphlets, the dubbing instructional films and guiding the American dignitaries on inspection tours of agricultural and energy producing projects of the programs. It was during one of those sessions when a Labor Law expert from the U.S. Department of Labor in Washington, DC sought his help in trying to find a name for the Turkish labor unions. The meeting was in its 6th hour. Nobody knew what to name a hitherto non-existent labor organization. Howard Schindler, the American labor relations expert, was getting a bit edgy. His Turkish counterparts wanted to use the term Lonca ,which he scorned upon, because its translation meant Guild and/or Corporation but not Labor. Finally, Mahmut Abi suggested the French name for it “Syndicat.” Within a few minutes the word Sendika was accepted and everyone went home satisfied with a new name in the Turkish alphabet.

    After the birth of their first child, Mahmut Abi changed course. Once more in the USA, and in Indiana, he returned to the University and completed his course work to teach Foreign Languages and Journalism, and began his career, teaching French, Spanish, Portuguese, Journalism, film making. He also trained scores of future Foreign Language teachers. He also initiated the very first Study Tours abroad in Florida Universities in the early 60’s. He Was among the few Floridians who founded FTAA, Florida Turkish-American Association for Cultural Exchange. He served as its second President for 5 years. Mahmut Abi is the author of a several pages long epic poem in French entitled: “Une page d’Histoire a Galatasaray” which will be published soon in France. His second epic poem called; “Si Pierre Loti Retournait Chez Sa Bien-Aimee,La Turquie was already put in a book form two years ago, in Nancy, France by the OLUSUM/GENESE literary magazine. The book also contains other interesting reading materials. Mahmut Esat Ozan retired as Professor Emeritus after 38 years of teaching. Although his dreams of producing a film on Ataturk, and the Conquest of Constantinople did not materialize, he made a good number of documentaries on a more personal scale. As for his journalistic drive, he found another theme that needed his attention and devotion. That theme is teaching the truth about his “Turkiye,” past and present to as many readers of the Turkish Times, English language newspaper, where he has been a columnist in the last 10 years, also local newspapers, and the Internet he can reach.

    You can contact him at the following e-mail address:
    mozan@webtv.net

    Sema Karaoglu, Founder
    Sons_of_Ataturk@yahoo.com

  • PKK Party Congress Sets Long-Term Strategy Based on Threat Perceptions

    PKK Party Congress Sets Long-Term Strategy Based on Threat Perceptions

    Terrorosm Monitor
    Volume 6, Issue 20 (October 24, 2008)

    PKK Party Congress Sets Long-Term Strategy Based on Threat Perceptions

    By Nihat Ali Özcan, Saban Kardas

    The Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan – PKK) was established in 1973 against the background of Cold War politics. In the formation of the PKK’s institutional culture and practices, the prevailing Marxist ideas and strategies adopted by other leftist movements of the time played a major role in their ideology. Influenced by the experiences of various Marxist organizations around the world, the PKK’s organizational structure was based on three pillars: a party organization acting as the ideological center and running the movement according to strict hierarchical rules, a military wing to carry out subversive military activities, and a “front” organization to oversee the activities of all PKK supporters in both legal and extralegal domains. Even after the Cold War came to an end, the PKK maintained its adherence to these institutional practices and behavioral habits. In this essay, we will evaluate one of the deep-seated practices of the PKK, party congresses. In particular, we will examine the PKK’s threat perceptions as reflected in the conclusions of the tenth party congress, held on August 21-30 in shelters in the mountainous terrain of northern Iraq. We will also discuss the PKK’s response to these challenges in the context of recent developments.

    The Role of Congresses in the PKK’s history

    The PKK has sought to project itself as more than a mere armed organization terrorizing a local population to reach some short-term goals. On the contrary, it defines itself as a party advocating a well-established political program through the application of a long-term strategy. To preserve this image, the PKK went to great lengths to hold party congresses even under dire circumstances. PKK congresses have served as a platform for evaluating the organization’s performance during previous years, assessing the existing situation and setting the agenda of the organization for subsequent years. So far, the PKK has held ten congresses. Although the organization has sought to hold its congresses approximately every five years, in some cases it convened extraordinary meetings. Since it had its first congress in Turkey in 1978, the PKK has convened two congresses in Lebanon, four in Syria and the latest three in northern Iraq.

    Prior to the actual PKK congresses, militants conduct preliminary meetings in their respective regions to determine the agenda of the convention, as well as select the delegates who will attend. The ceremonial value attached to them aside, the congresses perform three main functions. First, in addition to reaffirming the loyalty of the delegates to the imprisoned leader, Abdullah Ocalan, they help incoming members of the organization’s leadership cadres solidify their legitimacy. Second, members of the PKK assess the organization’s past activities, as well as the state of political and military conditions prevailing in the region and discuss new strategic goals and alternative instruments for future activities. These deliberations are conducted under the influence of a dogmatic attachment to Marxist principles. Third, by utilizing the milieu of the conferences, the PKK seeks to foster a sense of motivation among the members while boosting their morale.

    The conduct of delegates at congresses helps sustain the internal legitimacy of leadership cadres in several ways. Abdullah Ocalan has been the unchallenged and unquestioned leader of the PKK in all these gatherings. Over time, he has come to assume a symbolic role as the unifying element of the entire movement, and as such a “personality cult” was created around his name. According to the established practice in congresses, the members of the organization, except for Ocalan, engage in self-criticism before their comrades; they reflect on their past mistakes and acknowledge their weaknesses in fulfilling their duties. In essence, these almost ritualistic acts serve to shake the reliability of the leading figures of the PKK other than Ocalan before other delegates. As a result, through the discussions as well as ceremonies during the sessions, the congresses not only legitimize the leadership cadres but also ensure the continuation of the organization’s loyalty to the leader.

    Another function of the congresses is their role in providing a platform for analyzing the past, present and future conditions of the organization in line with its ideological disposition. In general, despite the drastic changes in world politics, the PKK’s discourse is still heavily influenced by Marxist thinking. For instance, it is commonplace to hear criticisms of capitalism in congresses. Similarly, the members of the organization seek to demonstrate their comprehension of Ocalan’s teachings through bombastic flattery of their leader. The rulings concerning the future direction of the organization are also framed in line with its ideological discourse. Therefore, decisions taken at congresses have strategic value for the evolution of the organization. The PKK publishes the conclusions of congresses in print or on the internet to communicate its goals to the public. [1]

    Lastly, congresses help motivate members of the organization. The proceedings of congresses contain short, clear and effective slogans to mobilize members. Following congresses, militants accelerate their attacks to demonstrate their loyalty to the organization and their determination to carry out the conclusions.

    Of the ten congresses the PKK has held so far, the following stand out in particular: The third congress held in 1982 called for the return of the PKK militants from Lebanon to Turkey to initiate an armed struggle against the state. The fifth congress in 1995 prioritized the political struggle over the armed struggle. The eighth congress of 1999 decided to cease terror attacks following Ocalan’s capture and the ninth congress of 2005 agreed to halt attacks against Turkish security forces. Such decisions have marked important turning points in the PKK’s overall strategy.

    Decisions of the Tenth Congress, August 2008

    The PKK convened its latest congress in northern Iraq on August 21-30. Delegates met in mountain shelters under the threat of airstrikes from Turkish jetfighters. In the traditional spirit of the congresses, the latest gathering declared the forthcoming period as “Freedom to Ocalan.” The tenth congress also maintained the tradition of assessing the past, present and future of the organization. The statements following the congress indicate one of the biggest current sources of concern is the new situation created by the meeting between Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and U.S. President George Bush in November 2007. [2] After this meeting, the United States started to share actionable intelligence with Turkey, with alarming results for the PKK. The closing statement of the congress maintains that the United States, along with Turkey and Iran, is determined to eliminate the PKK.

    The PKK’s major concern appears to be the decision of the Barzani-led Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to reconsider its relations with the PKK, which may result in it abandoning the PKK (Firat Haber Ajansi, September 8). If the KRG indeed withdraws its support from the PKK, this development will likely have a grave impact on the organization’s use of the terrain of northern Iraq as a safe haven. So far the PKK’s activities in this region have been largely unhindered, which at times has led the Turkish government to accuse the KRG of actively supporting the PKK. Nonetheless, the PKK is uneasy about prospects for U.S. pressure on Barzani as well as a possible rapprochement between Turkey and Barzani (Referans, October 14). To forestall such scenarios, the PKK congress expresses its support for Barzani on the Kirkuk question (Firat News Agency, September 8).

    The conclusions of the congress also indicate that the PKK is concerned about the fate of its “front” organization (Firat News Agency, September 8). PKK supporters established various associations and political parties in the legal domain to advocate for Kurdish nationalism and compete in Turkish electoral politics. Since entering the legal political sphere in the 1980s, Kurdish nationalists have operated a series of political parties such as the Democratic Party (DEP) and the Democratic People’s Party (DEHAP), a new entity arising each time the last manifestation was shut down by the state. The most recent of these is the Democratic Society Party (Demokratik Toplum Partisi – DTP), founded in 2005. These groups nonetheless maintained organic ties with the PKK, steadfastly refusing to condemn PKK violence. The legal advocates of ethnic nationalism benefited from the violence as fear became an important factor in mobilizing people around their agenda. Continued connections or support for the PKK eventually led the Turkish state to close down many of these organizations. Despite continued protestations from DTP leaders that they do not act as a front for the PKK, the party has recently faced court proceedings designed to shut it down. At a recent meeting with three leading DTP MP’s, Deputy Prime Minister Dengir Mir Mehmet Firat (himself of Kurdish origin) told the MP’s, “We know your reality. The type of relations you have with the PKK are an obstacle for the prime minister’s efforts to implement solutions to the problem. We want you to recognize the PKK as a terrorist organization” (Hurriyet, October 19).

    As a matter of fact, the threat to the PKK’s front organizations was unwittingly aggravated by its decision to refrain from attacking civilians following the 9/11 terror attacks in order to cultivate a more sympathetic image (Ozgur Politika, March 14, 2002). Having lost the leverage of being able to “penalize” civilians, the PKK encountered serious problems in disciplining its front organizations. The most common problems were encountered in mobilizing people for street demonstrations or providing logistical support for armed militants (Firat News Agency, September 18). Having been freed from fear of punishment, the priorities of sympathizers changed during the calm years between 2001 and 2005. They started to ignore the demands of the organization. To avoid this handicap, the PKK set up more militant shadow organizations (such as the Freedom Hawks of Kurdistan) and sought to motivate its supporters and terrorize its opponents. In some cases, the PKK executed civilians on charges of being government agents (hezaciwanan.com, August 11, 2004). The conclusions of the tenth congress show that the PKK is eager to regain the leverage of punishment, threatening cadres that have failed to conform to the organization’s ideology (Firat News Agency, September 18).

    The final statement of the congress, as well as ensuing developments, show that the PKK perceives another serious threat to its front organization: the growing power of the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi -AKP) in the region as the March 2009 municipal elections approach (Milliyet, October 21). Current predictions indicate that the DTP, which currently controls municipalities in several cities such as Diyarbakir, will face a serious challenge from the AKP. Losing municipalities may cost the PKK dearly; even if its front organization avoids a total collapse, it will still face a severe crisis. Maintaining control over local municipalities is crucial, not only because they provide material resources to the organization and boost its supporters’ morale, but also because a political presence helps build the legitimacy of the movement domestically and internationally.

    A parallel development further disturbed the PKK. The new Turkish Chief of Staff Ilker Basbug, unlike his predecessors, has sought to establish channels of communication with local people in southeastern Turkey. Moreover, Basbug has drawn attention to the economic and social problems in the region. Perceiving this outreach as a threat to its interests, the PKK threatened those people who attended a meeting Basbug held with the representatives of various NGOs in Diyarbakir. [3]

    Threats to Survival

    In short, the PKK seems to perceive threats to its survival both inside Turkey and in northern Iraq. Its assessment of current threats – namely, the prospect that the PKK may lose its safe havens in northern Iraq and the challenges posed by upcoming municipal elections and other local developments to its front organization – led the delegates attending the tenth congress to focus on two alternatives: first, increasing the medium-intensity armed attacks; second, revitalizing mass public demonstrations in urban areas, marked by the visible attendance of women and children (Firat News Agency, September 18 ). Through these moves, the PKK plans to raise the tension in the run-up to the municipal elections and mobilize people along ethnic lines. It expects that if the people are confronted with the brutal face of the state, they will cast their votes based on ethnic identity. This mode of thinking largely explains the aggressive attitude the PKK has adopted lately, through intensifying its attacks on Turkish security forces and agitating Kurdish people in southeastern Turkey and the major cities in western Turkey.

    This new strategy was put into effect shortly after the congress. The number of terror incidents increased dramatically; between August 30 and October 20, around 180 attacks were reported, the most notorious being the one against the Aktutun border station on October 3, which took the lives of 17 Turkish soldiers (www.tsk.mil.tr; see also Terrorism Focus, October 21). At the same time, the PKK was successful in mobilizing civilians. To protest Prime Minister Erdogan’s trip to Diyarbakir, PKK sympathizers organized illegal demonstrations in various cities on the grounds that Ocalan was mistreated in prison, which disrupted provision of basic services in many places. DTP deputy Emine Ayna stated, “Ocalan is seen as a leader by many Kurds. If there is any physical violence toward him, this violence is directed at Kurds” (Turkish Daily News, October 23). With demonstrators threatening local businesses into shutting down their shops, the municipalities controlled by the DTP did not collect garbage and halted public transportation as part of the PKK’s protest of the AKP (kanaldhaber.com, October 20).

    Conclusion

    To counter the political and military threats from inside and outside Turkey, the PKK has initiated proactive policies in line with the conclusions of the tenth congress. If it fails to mobilize ethnic sentiments among Kurdish speaking constituents, the DTP might have to concede electoral success in the 2009 municipal elections to the AKP, which has been making political inroads in southeast Turkey. Recent developments highlight the PKK’s determination to raise tensions in Turkey to reverse this process.

    Notes:

    1. For instance, see: Abdullah Ocalan, PKK 4. Kongresine Sunulan Politik Rapor (Istanbul: Zagros Yayinlari, 1993); Abdullah Öcalan, PKK 5. Kongresine Sunulan Politik Rapor (Istanbul: Gunes Ulkesi Yayinlari, 1995); Abdullah Öcalan, PKK Olaganustu 7. Kongresine Sunulan Politik Rapor (Istanbul: Mem Yayinlari, 2000).
    2. For Murat Karayilan’s statements, see Firat News Agency, September 18.
    3. For Basbug’s meetings, see Radikal, September 5 and Terrorism Focus, September 24; for the PKK threat, see Firat Agency, September 18.

  • On Turkish Liberals

    On Turkish Liberals

    Ahmet Ergelen

    Sabrina Tavernise’s article with the title In Turkey, Bitter Feud Has Roots in History in the June 22, 2008 issue of New York Times immediately fueled the existing debate in Turkey over the country’s political future. From the whole article alone the quote from Dengir Mir Firat, the Vice-President of the ruling AKP that ‘the Turkish society has been traumatized’ by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s social reforms made it to the headlines, which is hardly surprising as Mr.Firat has been a front-runner in provoking discussions on the foundations of the Turkish Republic.

    On the whole the article seems to be all too quick a wrap-up of an otherwise quite ambitious title and too brief an account of things it appears to have insight into; very typical of most western media channels which don’t seem to have time for adequately analyzing the roots of socio-political phenomena outside their borders. Ms. Tavernise’s report relies heavily on the viewpoint of the ‘liberals’ of Turkey who actually belong to some of the most privileged socio-economic tiers of society themselves. Ironically she looks at the very elite of Turkey who benefits immensely from supporting unquestioningly the roles the western capitalist world would like to assign to their country. This self-righteous group of intellectuals has had the best and most direct access among their fellow citizens to the societies of the West. Many of them graduated from its universities or attended foreign private high schools in Turkey. There is a strong bond between the Western policy-makers and Turkish liberals. It is therefore hardly surprising that many reviews from the West on Turkey quote them often to vindicate their pre-formed opinions.

    Turkish liberals are convinced that the political tug-of-war is between the ‘secular’ elite of the country (i.e. the state bureaucrats and the armed forces) who has actually run the country for decades and the ‘democratic’ representatives of the ordinary people who happen to have always been conservatives across the board. Jounalists from abroad tend to accept this explanation without giving it a second thought.

    Such an effort to simplify matters and make the issue digestible to the foreign public opinion leaves a considerable part of the electorate out of the equation. After all, 53% did not vote for AKP in the July 22 elections of last year. Among the 53% were also the white-collar and middle-class tax payers, many of them women, for example, who appeared in millions in pro-republic demonstrations in the spring of 2007 against the move by the governing AKP to appoint either the prime minister himself or one of the other two leading members of the party to presidency – thus removing another leg of the checks and balances of the system. So there is more than ‘the old guard’ rhetoric to be taken into account when millions of people are alarmed by the acts of the AKP government which steer the country toward a climate reminiscent of the final dark years of the Ottoman Empire in the beginning of the 20th Century: ‘The sick man on the Bosporus’ up for grabs by the interventionist foreign capital.

    With roughly 70% of the market stocks in the hands of foreign nationals, a soaring foreign debt and very high interest rates (just under 20%) one can hardly speak of a country’s sovereignty in economic terms. While the outlook for EU membership is much more bleak than before the signing of agreements by Mr. Erdogan as the head of the AKP cabinet to start accession negotiations, the ‘Islamisation’ of society has gained momentum, making it drift further from its European objectives. Who could argue that the leading EU member states will not capitalize on this fact to use it as a pretext to block Turkey’s membership?

    What the liberals mean by AKP’s policies being too ‘rushed’ or ‘fast’ remains unclear in the article: Does it mean that they fully support the social transition towards a dogmatic way of life –starting with the schools- and fear that a large portion of the population will wake up in time to provide opposition? Whatever they think the state prosecutor’s office had no choice but to submit its indictment against AKP to the Constitutional Court on the grounds that one of the inalterable paragraphs of the constitution defining the Turkish Republic as a secular state had been violated by the AKParty. In the end the judges did convict the party of the prosecutor’s charges with an overwhelming majority vote of 10 to 1. The punishment fell short of closing the party altogether, but included withholding half of this year’s state funds allocated to it for election campaigns.

    Upon the appeal to the high court the Western spokesmen and spokeswomen had in general acted swiftly in support of AKP against the Turkish Judiciary. They did not seem to be as moved, though, by anti-democratic actions of the AKP government itself such as the labor demonstration which was crushed by violent police action in Istanbul as recently as May 1st, 2008. The divisive ‘you are either with us or against us’ philosophy of the party has also been conveniently overlooked by the media of the developed world. Party loyalty and affiliation to religious groups alone have been the qualifications sought in the appointment of almost every critical position in the state structure. An Islamic version of every interest group whether labor unions or businessmen’s association has been created as an alternative to directly support the party. Not only the Sabah group, but over half of the media force in Turkey is firmly in the hands of AKP-affiliated businesses. Most of the ‘liberal’ journalists are embedded in those channels with fat salaries. Maybe the conflict should actually be characterized as being between Turkey’s liberal elite in alliance with the West and those who stand up for the original values of the republic.

    Furthermore other critical ‘peculiarities’ about Turkish democracy remain to be reported: There is still a 10% threshold in the election system, unparalleled by any other European democracy, which not only keeps minority representation out of the parliament, but also bolsters especially the front runner with undeserved additional seats. The law on the formation of political parties also exhibits fundamental flaws such as allowing a party leadership to do away with primaries: The current MPs were all hand-picked by their leaders prior to the elections.

    Going back to Mr. Firat’s comments that the country was traumatized by the reforms of the Republic: What exactly were these reforms and why are they currently being relentlessly attacked by Turkish liberals who are the foremost beneficiaries of them? They were basically related to, but far more extensive than the modernization attempts made during the late Ottoman era. At the right time (victory over the invading armies of the West) and under the right leadership (Mustafa Kemal, a master strategist and statesman) the time was ripe to take every bold step toward equality with developed societies of the world.

    Turkish reforms took place roughly between right before the proclamation of the republic in 1923 and and the second half of the thirties before Ataturk’s death in 1938. The push for development in education contiued well into World WarII. Not necessarily overnight as the trauma theorists claim. Moreover the whole process was overseen by the elected members of the Turkish parliament.

    Thanks to them the idea of the individual as the citizen of the country was secured with equal rights and responsibilities against the law regardless of sex, race, religion or ethnic origin. Consequently the civil code brought women and men to an equal position for the first time. Women also enjoyed the right to vote in elections as well as the right to be elected to the parliament. Being in the heart of the transformation the legislation toward a comprehensive emancipation of the woman may well have caused a ‘trauma’ among those who did not want to relinquish their privileged status in society especially against the female sex which had remained inferior in the traditional Ottoman social structure for centuries!

    When the Arabic script was abandoned for Latin in 1928 there were special schools established to re-educate the adults as well as children. If the criticism is directed at people’s being rendered unable to read the holy Koran in its original Arabic, one has to ask himself what percent of the population was literate at the end of the Ottoman Centuries (roughly 7% according to Turgut Özakman, a popular playwright and researcher of Turkish history in the last century). How many of the literates could really understand the holy script when they read it? Besides, as far as Turkish was concerned, the Arabic alphabet did not support many sounds in the language. The reader had to tell from the context alone to make out the true meaning of the word. The Latin alphabet as employed by the reformists provided, on the other hand, a truly phonetic script for the language. The pros and cons of the change were weighed against each other before any action was taken.

    The reforms of the early republican era did create the favorable conditions for the emergence of a generation of educated minds who catapulted the country from the verge of oblivion to the doorstep of united Europe. If a similar climate had existed during the Ottoman years, it could have helped rejuvenate the Sultan’s state. But it did not. The founding generation of the Turkish Republic was, after all, brought up in the late Ottoman Society. Its members learned their lesson from decades of wars, lost territories and human trajedy. They had the courage to transform themselves into a modern nation deserving to stand on its own feet. In practice, the reformist steps taken were not without shortcomings or disillusionments, of course.

    The fault, then, must lie with the following generations of intellectuals who did not have their parents’ resolve to overcome these shortcomings of their regime. Instead, particularly after world War II, they chose the apparent comfort of leaning against a superpower and receiving aid in wherever there was a shortage. The latest generation of Turkey’s actual (economic) elite therefore, could not have acted any other way than live on in such convenience that is reserved for them in return for inactivity when the rest of the population is kept in the dark.

    If Ms. Tavernise had really looked into history carefully, she could have found other aspects of the Turkish experience which may have provided a more comprehensive picture of today’s events than served by her fellow liberals of Turkey.

    Ahmet Ergelen, September 2008

  • T H E R O O T O F T H E C R I S I S

    T H E R O O T O F T H E C R I S I S

    Problems and crises must be solved all the way to their roots, not superficially. Otherwise, they will recur with a vengeance. I do not see this being done in the present crisis. The two presidential candidates do not convince me that they really understand what is going on. The people who are telling us that they will solve the crisis are the representatives of the philosophy of government that is responsible for the occurrence of this crisis. They lack leadership qualities, because they watched the crisis brewing without seeing where it was going, and now that the crisis is in full bloom, their remedy is $700 Billion from the tax payers’ pocket. I think we have asked the fox to guard the chicken coop.It appears that the roots of the present economic crisis go all the way to the first years of our Republic, to the fights between Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton. They were fighting over the purpose of government, especially over economic policy. That fight has continued after them up to our day. [See:article by Thomas J. DiLorenzo titled “What Hamilton Has Wrought”] [His book “Hamilton’s Curse” will be published on Oct.21] Hamilton was an enthusiastic proponent of the corrupt British Mercantilist system, the very system the American Revolution was fought to avoid. He fought for his program of corporate welfare, protectionist tariffs, public debt, high taxation, and a central bank run by politicians and their appointees. He was the proponent of “Crony Capitalism” or a government run for the benefit of wealthy classes. Don’t we have the feeling that some one is talking about present day conditions?

    Jefferson opposed him as strongly as he could, because Hamilton’s agenda would destroy liberty and because, he, Jefferson, was taking Adam Smith’s warning against economic interventionism very seriously.

    Wile during the last two centuries, Americans talked and praised Adam Smith, in time the corrupt mercantilist system was spread in America in most aspects of our lives.

    In our elections, we the citizens vote, but the election expenses of our representatives, senators and presidents are met mostly by corporations, who then command the loyalty of these representatives , senators, and presidents to these corporations. The result of this system is that the country is run not according to the wishes of the voters, but according to the needs of the corporations. This certainly is no democracy. During the Independence War (1919-1922) a Turkish parliament opened up in Ankara and one of the first articles of a new constitution that passed was “Sovereignty belongs unconditionally to the people” . Using this way of expressing, we should say that in the United States of America “Sovereignty belongs unconditionally to the corporations”. This system can be democratized by adopting pubic funded elections, and forbidding receiving any other monies, but our Congress wouldn’t vote for it. Corporations’ money is apparently too sweet. Public-funded elections would completely change the government. The representatives, the senators, and the presidents will start acting according to the wishes of the voters.

    Hamilton wanted a big government to borrow money, to take higher taxes, and to spend freely, solely to sell government bonds to the affluent people (business people). Those who would hold these bonds would vote for him. Jefferson, to the contrary, advocated minimal government .

    Wall Street financiers liked Hamilton’s idea and became the supporters of the Federalist Party, and eventually, of the Whigs and Republicans. The bonds between Wall Street and the Federal Government were strengthened, when Wall Street got to market government bonds. Hamilton wanted to unite the propertied interests of the Eastern Seaboard into an administration party. He also transformed the financial transactions of the Treasury Department into an orgy of graft in which selected politicians participated. The political descendent of these 18th Century “propertied interests” is the $700 Billion Bailout Bill of 2008.

    Hamilton is also known as the Founding Father of Central Banking. According to William Graham Sumner, “a national bank was not essential to the work of the Federal Government.” Sumner believed that “The real purpose of Hamilton’s bank was the interweaving of the interests of wealthy men with those of the government.” The bank provided cheap credit to business supporters of the Federal Party, “attempting to engineer boom-and-bust cycles to influence elections” . It was a disaster for the general public. Once it created 72 % inflation. So the Central Bank was closed several times, but it survived. In 1913 the FED was created. “The Wall Street elite’s response to all this central-bank induced monetary instability was even more centralized banking with the creation of the Federal Reserve Board. It may have meant instability to ordinary citizens, but was the source of great riches to the banking industry and other members of the politically well-connected class. Sound familiar?”

    I said at the beginning that “Problems and crises must be solved all the way to their roots. I have defined and described the roots: it is the government itself with its Central Bank. It seems to me that the government is not going to get rid of its central bank to solve the present crisis. Thus, the crisis will last many years., while the $700 billion will enrich many people who are the makers of the crisis. The only possibility of solution will start with the adoption of public funded elections and taking the hands of corporations from the steering wheel of the government. To make sure that such a crisis does not recur, we must erase all influence of mercantilism from our economy. That would make us also freer.

    I have been in this country for 55 years and so far never heard that the Central Banks create on purpose economic cycles to influence elections, not until a few days ago, when I read the Article of Thomas J. DiLorenzo. If it is true, it would be a scandal of Gargantuan proportions. In 1958 when I was caught in one of these cycles and suffered for nine months, I was told that these cycles belong to the nature of the capitalist system. No one knew that it was created by the Central Bank, or what ever it was called at that time. Millions of Middle-class people suffered with me, and they too did not know the cause of their suffering. Why didn’t the media enlightened us? It is not possible that they did not know. How about the people we elected? Could they not know too?

    Now that the DiLorenzo article put the story in the public arena, what will the Government do? I am very curious.