Category: Authors

  • Early History of First Oil Activities

    Early History of First Oil Activities

    Contemporary international political situation is influenced by some special necessities which are sources that states need them. This reality comes from ancient times as states have vital arguments to be powerful than others in everywhere. State mechanism needs any special material to live for a long time or be strong always like blood function for human body. There is a main argument as a vital interest; oil which effects political situations of states with its useful benefits for all areas of the state mechanism. It had been transformed to a new style like blood as an alternative to other energy and trade materials since 19. century.

    As historically oil was discovered in different special regions of  the world and understood for some special features such as advantage to prevent some diseases, to attack material which burns under sea in wars by Byzantine Empire, to illuminate and to use for machineries. So it had been transformed from energy event to main subject of trade activities. In 19. century oil was formed to be functional style as kerosene with chemical tests by George Bissell and Benjamin Silliman. They developed industrial function of this material and some search methods were created such as different drilling system. George Bissell who was called as father of oil industry, used oil as kerosene and he developed a system to find oil with drilling system instead of mining. Oil drilling and marketing had a new face after chemical contributions and industrial processes. It will be main theme for producting and economic interaction. Oil was realized internationally as an alternative for candeel and coal with searching activations in Pennsylvania-Titusville by E. L. Drake. Drake entered to this market with other men, but his self initiatives kept him specially.

    “Drake tried the usual method, digging trenches — and failed. He studied the land and speculated about oil deposits. His intuition told him he should drill into the ground, just as salt mining was done. From July 1858 to May 1859, he struggled to find a borer to do the work, spending the New Haven money to buy a steam engine and build an engine house in the meantime. Through a long, cold winter, the merchants of Titusville extended credit to their poor, misguided new friend and his family. Folks started to call him Crazy Drake.”[1]

    This step opened a new period of oil for the world’s destiny. New source overspread to far geographies of the world in a short time. Also intercontinental transportation activities started, first oil was transferred to London in 1861 and to St. Petersburg in 1862.

    After that time the largest company Standard Oil which will effect the oil market as a monopol was founded by J. D. Rockefeller in the USA, 1870. Manhattan was headquarter which called as Old House. Investors were creating some combine companies to establish common power about this market, but some of them left here to keep their sovereignty at this period. Main function of Standard Oil was that integrated company characteristic that has some steps like producing, rafinery, transportation, distribution and wholeseller-retailer system. Other successfull new companies took an example from this useful system. Oil companies were founded by initiators who finds oil in California and Texas. Also new technical method rotary drilling system was invented and useful oil production started. On the other hand new technical searching systems are developed from time to time at starting point of 20. century and they effected oil industry competition from local to international.[2] Standard Oil had been stronger than others and the company created its basic system in all areas of industry. In that rivalry circumstances other companies tried to establish alternative systems for transportation for preventing Standard’s main activity in trade. Standard Oil established a pipeline system to transport and other companies created barrel system for quickly transportation. At this situation Standard Oil discounted oil prices against them for balance interactions to all of them, namely everybody uses effective tools to protect their self interests via whatever ways as knowingly internal economic or oil crisis. In 1890, regional integrated company Unocal was founded, in 1893 oil production started in Texas. Guffey and Geley created their company in Kansas.[3] Also Gulf, Sun, Texoco oil companies was founded as against to Standard Oil. Strong competition started in the USA and it will jump other continents in a short time. Additionally we should say that %25 of world oil transportation was provided in the USA at this time. Of course Standard Oil was the first bigger than other untill a just law decision.

    On the other face of the world there were some exploration activities in Caspian region in that time and it influenced oil market with its rich oil sources. Robert and Ludwig Nobel brothers founded oil rafineries in Baku and they discovered new ways to export oil from Caspian region. There was a period to complete its integrated company situation. First Caspian oil was transferred to St. Petersburg via ship which called as Zoroaster in 1876. Nobels were pioneer about tanker ship system. They ordered new tankers with new designs; Buddha, Tatarin, Mohammed, Socrates, Darwin, Koran, Talmud and Calmuck.[4] New transportation ways were necessities for Caspian oil to send other states via land and sea ways. So they planned to establish a rail road system from Baku to Batumi. It was started by Palashkovski but an economic disability prevented this project. But Rothschilds helped them and project completed successfully. Rothschilds entered this market system and founded Black Sea Petroleum Company at this region. Old House didn’t want to miss new conditions at this continent and founded Anglo-American Oil Company as an European foot of Standard Oil. Marcus Samuel who was owner of Shell Transportation Company and seller of seashells, visited Baku and started to work for oil market with his conditions and he created a new way from Baku to East Asia via Bosphorus and Suez channel to Bangkok and Singapore. First Baku oil was transferred to East Asia by M. Samuel via his ship which is called as Mirex. We can say that there were two global oil companies at this time; Standard Oil and Nobel-Rothschild Oil Company.

    Third big oil production was in East Indian Islands. There is a company here, Royal Dutch Oil Company which origins from Netherlands. Henry Deterding headed this company after old patron Kessler’s death. Marcus Samuel explored here and demanded to amalgamation of Shell and Royal Dutch to create a common power and use advantages of this strategic and oil-rich region.[5] Systematically Shell has effectual technical supports for Royal Dutch. After the amalgamation Deterding shared new points as restriction of production and quota system, so oil had a new value in the world oil market because of new artificial scarcity against to other competitors. Before the amalgamation Standard Oil was bigger than others, but new situation is militate in favor of Royal Dutch-Shell. Also law effect created a new period for oil market. In 1906 Federal Court in the USA decided to divide Standard Oil because of unfair rivalry in the state. Company was divided to 7 sectors, new companies; Exxon, Mobil, Chevron, Amoco, Sun, Conoco and Standart Oil of Ohio. After this condition new period started for oil market and oil industry, they had new modifications and innovations which are changeable to international political situations also they changed all balances of powers of the world.

    Mehmet Fatih ÖZTARSU – Turkish Forum


    [1] Oil Drilling, E. Drake, http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/theymadeamerica/whomade/drake_lo.html.

    [2] Rovshan Ibrahimov, Oil and Policy Lecture in Baku Qafqaz University, November 2009.

    [3] Daniel Yergin, The Prize, Epic Quest for Oil, Money and Power.

    [4] Robert W. Tolf, The World’s First Oil Tankers, 1976.

    [5] Shell International History, official web site of Shell, .

  • ARMENIA IS THE QUESTION, TURKEY & AZERBAIJAN ARE THE ANSWERS

    ARMENIA IS THE QUESTION, TURKEY & AZERBAIJAN ARE THE ANSWERS

    : Ergun KIRLIKOVALI [ergun@cox.net]

    letter To:  Media Contact, Linda Millman Guller, Knights & Daughters of Vartan, Ph: (203) 454-9800,  Email: mgmarcom@aol.com

    Re:  “New Theme Launched: ‘Turkey is the Question, America is the Answer’ ”

    ; NEW YORK, Feb. 4, 2010, PRNewswire — “… On Sunday, April 25, 2010, for the 25th year, thousands of Armenian Americans and people against genocide will gather in Times Square from 2-4 PM to commemorate the first genocide of the 20th Century, the Armenian Genocide (Medz Yeghern). …”

    ergun s

    ARMENIA IS THE QUESTION, TURKEY & AZERBAIJAN ARE THE ANSWERS

    The arrogant and deceptive Armenian message “Turkey is the Question, America is the Answer” is replete with falsifications, omissions, and errors, but perhaps more grimly, it is   dishonest  and racist.

    24 April is the Ottoman Guantanamo, not genocide

    First, April 24 is a concocted day for a bogus genocide to deceive people into believing that somehow 1.5 million Armenians were killed by the Ottoman Empire.  That is a day when several hundred Armenian terrorists, agitators, and suspects, were arrested by home security forces and moved to safe locations for imprisonment, questioning, and trials.  This operation is almost identical to the current Guantanamo operation of the United States.  If the U.S. can take such a home security measure in 21st century and reach out to furthest continent to do it, why should it be wrong for the Ottoman Empire do the same in 20th Century and smack in the middle of its capital?  After all, terror is terror is terror.  Armenians were involved in propaganda, agitation, raids, feuds, terrorism, revolts, treason, territorial demands, assassinations, bombings, fatal bank robberies, for 30 years prior to April 24, 1915.  What’s more, Armenian leaders, cleric and lay, turned a deaf ear to all the Ottoman government warnings about ceasing and desisting in subversive and terrorist activities.  To add insult to injury, Armenians had staged the bloodiest armed revolt to date in February-April, 1915 in the city of Van, killing thousands of its Muslim inhabitants and turning the city over to the Russian invader.  All this took place when the motherland was subjected to brutal attacks and invasions on at least three fronts and engaged in a war of survival in the middle of a world war.  The police action taken on April 24, 1915, was not genocide; it was a well justified home security measure taken during a wartime on a blatantly treasonous group.

    Armenian information is incorrect and deceptive

    Second,  Armenian claims are factually, historically, and legally incorrect.  The Young Turk governments lasted from 1908 to 1918, NOT 1915-1923.  The Ottoman government lost the WWI in 1918 and was occupied by victors in 1920, thus completely powerless between 1918-1923 period.  In fact, a brand new government in Ankara, fighting for independence for Turkish lands, was established in Ankara which the Ottoman government rejected, even fought against.  After a bloody war of independence in many fronts lasting from 1919 to 1922, the Turkish lands were freed, independence was recognized by the allies and much of the world (and the U.S. a few years later) by Lausanne  agreement and the Republic of Turkey was established in 1923.  To deliberately misrepresent this complex history by the deceptive phrase  “the Young Turk Government of the Ottoman Empire (1915-1923)” is not only obviously incorrect but also unethical and ethocidal.

    1915 Van Revolt by Armenians was the 9/11 for the Ottoman Empire

    Third, what followed April 24 was also not genocide, but TERESET (temporary resettlement.)  The 1915 Van rebellion by the Armenians was to the Ottoman Empire what  9/11 terrorist attacks represent to America.  If the U.S. can plan and wage a war half a world over in Afghanistan (and later in Iraq) in 21st century, why should it be wrong for the Ottoman Empire to TERESET (temporarily resettle) its treasonous citizens who attacked and killed members of their own government, armies, state, nation and joined the invaders?

    Reading the racist Armenian message, one would never know that Armenians took up arms against their own government, attacked the rear of their own army, terrorized their Muslim neighbors, joined the invading enemy armies, demanded territory for an apartheid (greater Armenia), and caused the death of 524,000 of their countrymen, women and children.  One would never appreciate that the TERESET (temporary resettlement)  was a wartime home security measure and that Turks were only defending their home in the face of brutal foreign invasions and equally savage Armenian nationalists and revolutionaries.

    The Armenian bias and bigotry

    … show in the selection of speakers to validate claims of genocide; all other sources and proper authorities are ignored.  Genocide scholars, for instance, is an Armenian invention created by the notoriously anti-Turkish Zoryan Institute in 1994.  These genocide scholars are not even historians.  Most are English teachers and sociologists.  There are some psychologists and government majors among them.  And seventy-five percent of the board of directors are ethnically Armenians.  But they all like to pose like authorities in history which they absolutely are not.  They vie for winning the confidence of their unsuspecting readers.  What the Armenian claims lack in the credibility department, the Armenian lobby tries to fill the gap with new inventions like these so-called genocide scholars and other avenues like films, exhibits, and panels where only the Armenian side is represented and the Turkish side is censored.  Anything to avoid history, primary sources, facts, peer review, and debate seem to be fine with the Armenian lobby.  They think they are winning on the political side where opinions can be manipulated, political candidates, legislatures, and voters can be convinced without having to deal with legitimate, non-partisan historians and scholars driven by facts only.

    One so called genocide sponsor listed as a speaker, for example, was one of the sponsors of Taner Akcam , the poster boy of sorts of the Armenian lobby.  Akcam was exposed to be a paid Armenian agent showing how the Armenian lobby deceives people.  In a letter dated 17 January 2008, the University of Minnesota legal counsel stated that Akcam’s salary was funded by Cafesjian Foundation  (an Armenian institution) and Zoryan Institute (also an Armenian institution.)  What’s just as troubling is the fact that that letter said.

    “…Dr. Akcam is currently employed by the University as a Research Associate in the College of Liberal Arts (CLA), Department of History. This is an annually renewable, Professional & Administrative (“P&A”) position…”

    A few days after this letter was written, Akcam was spotted in New Orleans, presenting himself as “associate professor” in history to unsuspecting audiences.   He was neither employed as a professor nor historian, as his PhD is in sociology.  Is this important?  It ought to be, in the name of truth.  Why is he posing as a historian then if he is a sociologist?  How did he become a professor when he arrived into the U.S. as only a visiting scholar attached to no university only about ten years ago?  The more one digs, the more one finds the Armenian lobby lurking ominously underneath all this stink.

    Whereas the facts are simple.  Armenians revolted to establish an apartheid (i.e. greater Armenia) in Ottoman territories, when the motherland (the Ottoman Empire) was fighting for its survival against multi-front brutal invasions.  The Ottoman Empire, as a home security measure, was left with no choice but to  TERESET (temporarily resettle) the treasonous elements to non-war zones of the empire (hence not even a deportation.) Measures were taken for security and safety of the groups teresetted, perhaps insufficient and at times ineffective, but without intent to destroy as claimed.

    Unsubstantiated accusations such as race extermination or over 1.5 million Armenians  stand short of truths and the U.S. state archives refute them openly because:

    a- “American Military Mission to Armenia” (General Harbord) Report 1920 and Annex Report Nat. Archives 184.021/175  does not mention any “race extermination” but refers to “…refinements of cruelty by Armenians to Muslims…”

    b-  Joint US-Congress Resolution no. 192, April 22, 1922 relative to the activities of Near East Relief ending 31.12.1921, has unanimously resolved that a total of 1,414,000 Armenians were alive.

    c- George Montgomery, a member of the US delegation at the Paris Conference, had presented a detailed tabulation in 1919,  showing a total of 1,104,000 Armenians alive,  apart from those who had already immigrated to other countries.  ( 29 March 1919 report of the Paris Conference subcommittee on atrocities lists Armenian losses as “…more than 200,000…”  Who may have jacked this number to the current 1.5 million?  Take a guess!)

    d- Reliable sources show that THE TOTAL ARMENIAN POPULATION in the Ottoman Empire was less than 1.3 MILLION ( and others saying up to a maximum of 1.5 million) and hence it would be Armenian falsifiers’ liability to defy and annul these official U.S. State Records.  You think Armenian lobby can do that?  That is, use current pro-Armenian politicians to void the records of the U.S. Congress of 1919 with bogus resolutions?

    In case you missed it, it bears repeating:  these are the U.S. Congress records of 1919, solidly laying down the situation as it was back then.  Can the Armenians change them with propaganda, intimidation, and political pressure today?

    If Armenia, the tiny, land-locked, poverty-stricken, violent, and corrupt  country, wants to avoid bankruptcy and famine, which would turn it into a distant, inaccessible, and irrelevant province of Russia, then Armenia should stop the military occupation of Azeri lands (including Karabakh), allow the return home of one million Azeri refugees, and agree to opening and scholarly studying all relevant archives of WWI era soon.  Nothing short of that will save Armenia… and the time is ticking!

    ***

    Some useful reference sites:

    www.ataa.org

    www.ethocide.com

    www.turkla.com

    www.historyoftruth.com

    www.turkishjournal.com

    www.turkishny.com

    www.tallarmeniantale.com

    www.mediawatchnow.com

    www.turkishalert.com

    Some PDF Documents:

    a. (Part 1 & 2)

    b. (Part 3)

    c. https://armenians-1915.blogspot.com/2009/04/2813-conditions-in-near-east-report-of.html (General Harbord Report)

    d.

    e.


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    Further reading:

    BIAS IN THE PHRASE “ARMENIAN GENOCIDE”

    If one cherishes values like objectivity, truth, and honesty, then one should use the phrase  “Turkish-Armenian conflict”.  Asking someone “Do you accept or deny Armenian Genocide” shows anti-Turkish bias. The question, in all fairness, should be re-phrased: “What is your stand on the Turkish-Armenian conflict?”

    Turks believe it was a civil war within a world war, engineered, provoked, and waged by the Armenians with active support from Russia, England, and France, and passive support from the U.S. diplomats, missionaries, media, and others with anti-Turkish agendas, all eyeing the vast territories of the collapsing Ottoman Empire. [1]


    Most Armenians claim that  the wartime Tereset (temporary resettlement) of the Armenians was genocide, based on dubious evidence, hearsay, forgeries, and highly refutable arguments, totally ignoring the Armenian complicity in war crimes ranging from raids, rebellions, and terrorism to treason, causing many casualties in the Muslim, mostly Turkish, community, all of which which triggered the Tereset.   Genocide is  a legal term with a very specific definition requiring, not a political, but a LEGAL judgment, which the Armenians lack.  There is massive evidence to the contrary, clearly pointing to a civil war fought by Muslim and Christian irregulars.

    GENOCIDE ALLEGATIONS IGNORE “THE SIX T’S OF THE TURKISH-ARMENIAN CONFLICT”

    While some amongst us may be forgiven for taking the ceaseless Armenian propaganda at face value and believing blatant Armenian falsifications [2] merely because they are repeated so often, it is difficult and painful for people like us, sons and daughters of  the Turkish survivors most of whose signatures you see below. [3]

    Those seemingly endless “War years” of 1912-1922  (seferberlik yillari) brought wide-spread death and destruction on to all Ottoman citizens. No Turkish family was left untouched, those of most of the signatories’ below included.  Those nameless, faceless, selfless Turkish victims are killed for a second time today with politically motivated and baseless charges of Armenian genocide.

    Allegations of Armenian genocide are racist and dishonest history.

    They are racist because they imply only Armenian (or Christian) dead count, the Turkish (or Muslim) dead do not.  [4]  The former must be remembered and grieved; the latter must be ignored and forgotten.  Do you know how many Muslims, mostly Turks, were killed during World War One?  Answer: About 3 million, including half a million of them at the hands of well-armed, well-motivated, and ruthless Armenian revolutionaries and para-military thugs. [3,5]  Compare that with less than 300,000 Armenian casualties [8] which number is gradually magnified to 1.5 million over the years through Armenian propaganda.

    And the allegations of Armenian genocide are dishonest because they simply dismiss


    “THE SIX T’S OF THE TURKISH-ARMENIAN CONFLICT”:

    1) TUMULT (as in numerous Armenian armed uprisings between 1890 and 1920)  [6,7]

    2) TERRORISM (by Armenian nationalists and militias victimizing Ottoman-Muslims between 1882-1920)  [8,9]

    3) TREASON (Armenians joining the invading enemy armies as early as 1914 and lasting until 1921)  [6,7,8,9,10]

    4) TERRITORIAL DEMANDS (from 1877 to present, where Armenians were a minority, not a majority, attempting to establish Greater Armenia.  Ironically, if the Armenians succeeded, it would be one of the first apartheids of the 20th Century, with a Christian minority ruling over a Muslim majority )  [1-11]

    5) TURKISH SUFFERING AND LOSSES (i.e. those caused by the Armenian nationalists: 524,000 Muslims, mostly Turks, met their tragic end at the hands of Armenian revolutionaries during WWI, per Turkish Historical Society. This figure is not to be confused with 2.5 million Muslim dead who lost their lives due to non-Armenian causes during WWI. Grand total: more than 3 million, according to Justin McCarthy) [7-10]

    6) TERESET (temporary resettlement) triggered by the first five T’s above and amply documented as such; not to be equated to the Armenian misrepresentations as genocide.)  [12]

    Armenians, thus, effectively put an end to their millennium of relatively peaceful and co-habitation in Anatolia with Turks, Kurds, Circassians, and other Muslims by killing their Muslim neighbors and openly joining the invading enemy. Muslims were only defending their home like any citizen anywhere would do.

    VERDICT WITHOUT DUE PROCESS AMOUNTS TO LYNCHING

    Those who take the Armenian “allegations” of genocide at face value seem to also ignore the following facts concerning international law:

    1- Genocide is a legal, technical term precisely defined by the U.N. 1948 convention (Like all proper laws, it is not retroactive to 1915.)   [13]

    2- Genocide verdict can only be given by a “competent court” after “due process” where both sides are properly represented and evidence mutually cross examined.  [14]

    3-  For a genocide verdict, the accusers must prove “intent” and “motive” at a competent court and by allowing due process to run its natural course.  This was not, perhaps cannot ever be, done by the Armenians, whose evidence mostly fall into five major categories:  hearsay,  mis-representations, exaggerations, forgeries, and “other”.  [15]

    4- Such a “competent court” was never convened in the case of Turkish-Armenian conflict and a genocide verdict does not exist  (save a Kangaroo court in occupied Istanbul in 1920 where partisanship, vendettas, and revenge motives left no room for due process.)  [8]

    5-  Genocide claim is political, not historical or factual.  It reflects bias against Turks. Therefore, the  term genocide must be used with the qualifier “alleged”, for scholarly objectivity and truth. [1-15]

    6- Recognizing Armenian claim as genocide will deeply insult Turkish-Americans  as well as Turkish-Europeans, and Turks around the globe.  Such a conduct would negatively influence the  excellent relations currently enjoyed between the U.S. and Turkey, if not the West and Turkey.  It will, no doubt, please Armenian lobbies in the U.S. Europe and Turkey but disappoint, insult, and outrage Turkey,  one of America’s closest allies since the Korean War of  1950-53. Turks stood shoulder to shoulder with Americans in Gulf War, Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and more.   Armenian lobbies will have been allowed to poison  the U.S.-Turkey relations.  American gratitude and thanks will appear to come in the form of the worst insult that can be dished out to an entire nation.

    7- History is not a matter of “conviction, consensus,  political resolutions, propaganda, or public relations.” History is a matter of research, peer review, thoughtful debate, and honest scholarship. Even historians, by definition, cannot decide on a genocide verdict, which is reserved only for a “competent tribunal” with its legal expertise and due process.

    8- What we witness today, therefore, amounts to lynching [14] of the Turks by Armenians and their supporters to satisfy the age old Armenian hate, bias, and bigotry.  American values like fairness, presumption of innocence until proven guilty, objectivity, balance, honesty, and freedom of speech are stumped under the fanatic Armenian feet.  Unprovoked , unjustified, and unfair defamation of Turkey, one of America’s closest allies in the troubled Middle East, the Balkans, and the Caucasus, in order to appease some nagging Armenian activists runs counter to American interests.

    9- Hate-based, divisive, polarizing, and historically biased proclamations, such as Schiff’s HR 106, have never been an American way to do business. Why start now?

    10- Those who claim genocide verdict [14]  today, based on the much discredited Armenian evidence, are actually engaging in “conviction and execution without due process”, which is the dictionary definition of “lynch mobs”.

    APOLOGY ?

    Those who claim Turks need to apologize or show sensitivity to victims of WWI and/or their descendants—without remembering or respecting the Muslim, mostly Turkish, victims of the same WWI due to same wartime conditions—are insulting the silent memory of millions of Muslim, mostly Turkish, victims of WWI tragedy.  They are also engaging in Ethocide [16],

    A new term coined by a Turkish-American in 2003, Ethocide means “systematic extermination of ethics via malicious mass deception for political, economical, religious, social, and other gain.”  Ethocide comes with a new Turkish companion term: “AHLAKKIRIM”  [17]

    If an apology is needed today, then the entire humanity should apologize for the mistakes and excesses of the past generations, without resorting to “selective morality” and discrimination on the basis of ethnicity, race, or religion.  And if more sensitivity is required, then it should be provided by all for all, without resorting to division, polarization, hostility, bias, or bigotry.  Our accounst of WWI are replete with expressions of sadness and sympathy for all the victims of WWI, Turk, Kurd, Laz, Circassian, Armenian, Arab, Greek, Jew, and all others.  We do not feel we should segregate the Armenians or others from this lot and grieve only for them.

    If an apology is needed today, we should all start apologizing for the world hunger, global warming, aids epidemics, endless wars, inequity in income distribution, plundering human and natural resources, violation of civil rights of women, children, and some cases all humans, global lack of education and health care,  and more.

    ISN’T IT TIME TO STOP FIGHTING THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND GIVE PEACE A CHANCE?

    As Ataturk so ably put it for all of us:  “Peace at home, Peace in the World.”

    ………………………..

    References:

    [1]  History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, Vol I & II, Stanford Shaw (Cambridge University Press, London, New York, Melbourne, 1976)

    [2]  The Story Behind Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story, Heath W. Lowry ( The Isis Press, Istanbul, Turkey, 1990)

    [3]  The Ottoman Peoples and the End of Empire, Justin McCarthy (Arnold, London, U.K., 2001

    [4]  Declaration Signed by 69 Prominent North American Academicians, New York Times and Washington Post, may 19, 1985 (for a copy:

    [5]  Ermeniler:  Sürgün ve Göç, Türk Tarih Kurumu (Ankara, Turkey, 2004)

    [6]  Houshamatyan of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, Centennial, Album-Atlas, Volume I, Epic Battles, 1890-1914 (The Next Day Color Printing, Inc., Glendale, CA, U.S.A., 2006)

    [7]  The Armenian Rebellion at Van, Justin McCarthy, Esat Arslan, Cemaletting Taskiran, Omer Turan (The University of Utah Press, Salt lake City, USA, 2006)

    [8]  The Armenian File, Kamuran Gurun (Rustem Bookshop, Mersin, Turkey, 1985)

    [9]  The Armenians in History and the Armenian Question, Esat Uras (Documentary Publications, Istanbul, Turkey, 1988)

    [10]  Free E-Book : “Genocide Of Truth” by Sukru Server Aya, Based On Neutral or Anti-Turkish Sources ( Istanbul Commerce University, Turkey, 2008)  For a copy: https://armenians-1915.blogspot.com/2008/04/2429-new-e-book-genocide-of-truth-based.html

    [11] “Pursuing the Just Cause of Their People”, Michael M. Gunter (Greenwood Press, New York, USA, 1986)

    [12]  “Ermenilerin Zorunlu Göçü, 1915-1917, Kemal Cicek (Turk tarih Kurumu, Ankara, Turkey, 2005)

    [13]  Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Adopted by Resolution 260 (III) A of the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1948: http://www.hrweb.org/legal/genocide.html

    [14]  Article 6, Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Adopted by Resolution 260 (III) A of the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1948: http://www.hrweb.org/legal/genocide.html

    [15]  Article 2, Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Adopted by Resolution 260 (III) A of the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1948: http://www.hrweb.org/legal/genocide.html

    [16]  Ergun KIRLIKOVALI,  2003, “It Was Not ‘Genocide’; It was – and still is – ‘Ethocide’ “, ;

    [17]  Ergun KIRLIKOVALI, 2003, “SOYKIRIM DEGIL, AHLAKKIRIM ”
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  • Armenia engagement derailing Turkey’s energy policy

    Armenia engagement derailing Turkey’s energy policy

    by Ferruh Demirmen

    Türksam, December 9, 2009

    (Turkish Center for International Relations & Strategic Analysis)

    A misconceived engagement with Armenia has boomeranged beyond diplomacy to impact Turkey’s energy policy. The developments so far are already worrying, and further negative consequences may follow. Turkey’s energy policy is held hostage, and the culprit is a short-sighted Armenia rapprochement that has ignored Azerbaijan’s legitimate concerns on Nagorno-Karabakh.

    While some may view the energy “fallout” as a case of “unintended consequences” for Turkey,  the effects could have been foreseen easily.

    Background

    The secret, Switzerland-based Turkish-Armenian normalization process that surfaced in April 2009 in the aftermath of President Obama’s visit to Turkey, albeit launched with good intentions, turned out to be a disappointment for the Turkish side. The “road map” that was announced had a glaring omission: trustworthy preconditions or commitments requisite for normalization of bilateral relations.

    In particular, there was no assurance that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, vital for Azerbaijan, would be resolved before opening the Turkey-Armenia border. Baku was concerned, and Turkish-Azerbaijani relations soured.

    The two Turkish-Armenian protocols later initialed on August 31 and signed on October 10 confirmed the absence of any caveat on Nagorno-Karabakh, and further alienated Azerbaijan.

    For the better part of 2009 Turkey has been trying to placate Azerbaijan, with promises that it will not open the Turkey-Armenia border unless the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is first resolved.

    The promise is like a double-edged sword. If Turkey reneges on its promise to Azerbaijan, Turkish-Azerbaijani relations will receive a serious, possibly fatal blow. If Turkey keeps its promise, and Turkish-Armenian normalization fails as a result, Turkey will be criticized in the West for being insincere or manipulative on Armenia “opening.” Armenian “genocide” allegations in the US Congress will come to the forefront again. April 24, 2010 is not too far ahead.

    In either case, unless the Armenian parliament refuses to ratify the normalization protocols before the Turkish parliament does, Turkey will be the loser.

    That will be the price paid for an ill-conceived political process. Armenia has made it clear repeatedly that it sees no linkage between the normalization process and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. So, Turkey is facing a major quandary.

    At present, neither Turkey nor Armenia has submitted the protocols to their respective parliaments for ratification. The fate of the normalization process will hang heavily on the actions of the two parliaments. But for Turkey, and the West in general, some energy projects are at stake.

    The fallout on energy

    From energy point of view, worsening Turkish-Azerbaijani relations, if not stemmed, will come at a heavy price for Turkey. Alarmed at the Turkish-Armenian normalization talks conducted behind his back, an angry and resentful Ilham Aliyev, President of Azerbaijan, announced in May that, if forced, Azerbaijan would resort to military force to recapture the Azeri Nagorno-Karabakh territory it lost to Armenia in 1994. (See also recent analysis, ref. 1)

    Aliyev had the sympathy of Turkey and a host of other nations and several UN resolutions to back him up, but that was not enough. Peace talks mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group were also not producing palpable results. (Armenian-Azeri talks in Munich in late November were also inconclusive, ref. 1).

    To give credibility to his warning, or threat, Aliyev decided to play the gas card as a strategic tool. Partnership with Russia, at least on energy initially, was the strategy he had in mind. And Russia, given the opportunity to exploit the South Caucuses conflict, was more than willing to appear cooperative.

    The gas card Aliyev was mulling over was the Shah Deniz gas lying below the bed of the Caspian Sea. Aliyev was already unhappy over the prolonged, yet unresolved, dispute with Turkey over the price of Shah Deniz-1 gas that Turkey had been importing since July 2007. The price of gas was up for negotiation in April 2008, but discussions had reached a deadlock. Aliyev complained that Turkey was paying, at $120/1000 m3, one-third of the market price for gas, and Turkey’s counter offers were not high enough.

    On June 29, Russia’s Gazprom and Azerbaijan’s state-owned company Socor signed a gas agreement in Baku in the presence of respective presidents. The agreement stipulated that, starting in 2010, Gazprom would buy Azeri gaz, including, apparently, Shah Deniz-2 gas when it becomes available (currently in 2015). This would be the first time in Azerbaijan’s history that Azeri gas would be exported to Russia.

    The gas volume initially involved was small (annually 500 million m3), but it was announced that the volume would increase in future. Gazprom would have the right of first refusal on additional supplies of gas when available. The agreement paved the way for a broad Russian-Azerbaijani cooperation that could possibly extend beyond gas.

    The June 29 deal received further endorsement in Baku on October 14.

    The Russian-Azerbaijani accord was a clear message to Turkey, and the West in general, from Aliyev that Azerbaijan would keep its options open as far as exporting its gas from the planned Shah Deniz Phase-2 development. This cast doubt not only on future Shah Deniz-2 gas supplies to Turkey, but also on Azeri gas supplies to the planned west-bound Nabucco project that Turkey had boastfully committed itself to in Ankara on July 13 (ref. 2).

    To export its gas, Azerbaijan is now pursuing other options that circumvent Turkish territory: a subsea line in the Black Sea running from Georgia to Romania (White Stream project), tanker transport of compressed gas from Georgia to Bulgaria, and a swap or direct gas sale deal with Iran. Preliminary agreements have been signed on all of these. The existing pipeline connections with Iran and Russia would facilitate Russia and Iran options.

    Broader implications

    Turkey’s ill-founded Armenia engagement process, lacking any meaningful preconditions, is derailing Turkey’s energy policy. A distrustful Azerbaijan has now moved closer to Russia, and Shah Deniz-2 gas exports to Turkey for its domestic needs, as well as for onward transit to Europe via the planned Nabucco pipeline, are put in jeopardy.

    Import of Turkmen gas via a future Trans-Caspian pipeline, that could also feed the Nabucco pipeline, is also at risk. For Turkmen gas to reach Turkey via the Trans-Caspian pipeline, Azerbaijan’s cooperation is essential.

    Turkey needs Azeri gas in excess of the currently imported Shah Deniz-1 gas to diversify its gas supply sources and routes. Currently there is excessive (some 60%) dependence on Russian gas supplies for Turkey’s domestic needs.

    Despite its shortcomings, Nabucco project is still a vital project for Turkey both from energy and political point of view (ref. 2). If Nabucco does not receive throughput from Azeri or Turkmen sources, Turkey’s long-avowed strategic position as an energy corridor to the West will be seriously compromised.

    Public outcry stemming from alienation from the brotherly Azeri nation is also a price that Turkish policy makers must consider.

    The above considerations leave no doubt that the Ankara-Baku rift should be mended. The sooner the better. The onus of this burden rests mainly on Turkey, not Azerbaijan. Otherwise Azerbaijan will move even closer to Russia, and Turkey may have to do without new Azeri (Shah Deniz-2) gas supplies. That would be rather unfortunate.

    While it would entail a higher cost, Azerbaijan has options to export its gas without transiting Turkish territory.

    Aliyev has indicated a number of times that Azerbaijan is interested in the Nabucco project, but unless Turkey is more accommodating, that interest may go nowhere.

    All indications are that Turkey has overplayed its hand as far as its geographic position as an energy conduit, and has also stonewalled too long to meet reasonable Azeri requests for a gas price that closely reflects market conditions.

    Turkey should not be seen as being obstructionist for the implementation of the Nabucco project. In this connection, the possible ramifications of Turkey’s support for the rival South Stream project during the August 6 Russia-Turkey-Italy energy summit in Ankara were not lost on the EU, and may dampen the EU’s interest in Nabucco.

    It is telling that Austrian OMV (the flag-bearer for Nabucco), Italian ENI and French EDF have signed preliminary agreements with Gazprom recently about joint implementation of the South Stream project. In the light of these developments, one wonders whether the EU’s support for Nabucco is as good as before, and whether Turkey’s apparent wavering on Nabucco is playing a role. The financing problem of Nabucco is also at a standstill.

    Another fallout from strained Turkish-Azerbaijani relations could be the curtailment of the BTC (Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan) throughput, with some of the crude diverted to the Russian and Georgian ports of Novorossiysk and Supsa, respectively. Lukoil, ExxonMobil and Devon, shareholders of AIOC (Azerbaijan International Oil Company) but not the BTC consortium, are already using these routes to export their entitlements from the ACG (Azeri-Chirag-Gunesli) field in Azerbaijan.

    Export of Kazakh crude through the BTC could also be delayed or blocked. An ominous sign in this respect comes from the Russian-Kazakh oil transit agreement signed in Yalta on November 20. The agreement signaled support for the Samsun-Ceyhan pipeline, which Russia, at Turkey’s strong urging, recently endorsed. Samsun-Ceyhan will undermine plans to export Kazakh oil through a trans-Caspian pipeline link to the BTC.

    An irony for the US

    As a footnote to the above, it is also worth observing an irony in Turkey’s “opening” to Armenia. It is no secret that US pressure, in particular the urging of President Obama in person, played a key role in launching the Armenia engagement process. Yet, the process has not only damaged the close Turkish-Azerbaijani partnership, it has drawn Azerbaijan into Russia’s orbit of influence. This runs counter to the long-established US policy of weaning Soviet-era Turkic republics from Russia’s sphere of influence, in particular on energy.

    The maxim, “unintended consequences,”  describes this situation well for the US.

    Concluding remarks

    An ill-conceived political normalization process undertaken with Armenia has pushed a nervous Azerbaijan closer to Russia and has driven this small nation to seek alternative gas export options that circumvent Turkish territory. Future Azeri, and in the longer term Turkmen, gas imports to Turkey are jeopardized.

    Some of the throughput to the BTC may be diverted, and plans to channel Kazakh oil to the BTC may be cancelled or postponed indefinitely.

    In parallel, Turkey’s role to act as an energy corridor to the West is compromised.

    The energy projects impacted are all important for Turkey. If for no other reason than to safeguard these projects, it is vitally important that the Turkish-Azerbaijani relations are put back where they belong, and where they traditionally have been: good, friendly terms.

    Despite rosy statements from Turkish government circles, Turkish-Azeri relations are severely strained. Rapprochement with Armenia should not come at the expense of brotherly relations with Azerbaijan.

    Turkish policy makers who now claim the Turkey-Armenia border would not be opened until the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is resolved, should answer the question: If that were to be so, why did the normalization protocols signed with Armenia not contain the requisite precondition in the first place? It is no secret that the Armenia engagement started under external pressures, both from the US and the EU.

    The adverse energy-related effects stemming from the ill-conceived Armenia normalization process were no surprise, and could have been foreseen in advance.

    Those who are entrusted to lead the nation should be cognizant of the fact that one-sided foreign-policy initiatives that are launched without due consideration of underlying risks can have boomerang effects that may undermine national energy interests.

    If the rift in energy cooperation between Turkey and Azerbaijan deepens, in a sense it will be a betrayal of the legacy of the late Azerbaijani President Haydar Aliyev, who, with resolute determination, championed the realization of the BTC project despite many roadblocks. Turkey will bear the lion’s share of responsibility for this state of affairs.

    Separate from the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, the Armenia normalization process has ignored other legitimate concerns that are important for Turkey (ref. 3).

     A far-sighted national energy policy requires vision, foresight and perseverance. Whether Turkey’s policy makers have these traits, the readers should ponder.

     References cited

    (1)   “Nagorno-Karabakh negotiations in Munich and the possibility of war,” by Sinan Oğan, Türksam, Nov. 23, 2009.

    (2)   “Nabucco: A challenge for EU and a partially fulfilled promise for Turkey,” by Ferruh Demirmen, Eurasia Critic, September 2009.

    (3)   “Current Turkish ‘opening’ to Armenia cannot be supported,” by Ferruh Demirmen, Turkish Forum, October 9, 2009.

    ferruh@demirmen.com

  • The rise of Azerbaijan

    The rise of Azerbaijan

    There is one development in the region of the Caucasus, that can not be ignored: the rise of Azerbaijan has changed the interest of the regional superpowers. Where Russia and Turkey were to preoccupied with their western neighbors, they are now turning eastern to the Causasus. The main reason for this is the big economic growth that Azerbaijan has gone threw in the last couple of years.
    Ever since the disastrous war against Armenia back in 1992, Azerbaijan has invested largely in their rich oil and gas fields. This has led to the findings of many new oil en gas sources; the excavations and export of these sources has made Azerbaijan without doubt the richest country in the Causasus. Unfortunately for Armenia all the oil and gas pipes are build to go around Armenia (see map 1). So rich that Azerbaijan has found the confidence to tighten the diplomatic relations with other upcoming countries such as Polen , Belarus , Japan , İran , Romania , Russia  and their historical and cultural ally Turkey . This is a big difference with Azerbaijan’s biggest rival in the Causasus: Armenia. Ever since Armenia occupied approximately 24% of Azerbaijan’s territory in 1992 (see map 2), it has been regarded as the outlaw of the region. Turkey and Azerbaijan have boycotted Armenia ever since the occupation, an occupation which has led to almost 30.000 dead Azeri civilians and another one million Azeri refugees who were forced to leave the areas occupied by Armenian forces due to Armenia’s policy of ethnic cleansing.
    Now Armenia has to spend a big amount of their budget to consolidate the occupation of Azerbaijan, while almost al their neighbors are boycotting Armenian trade. The only lifeline that holds Armenia alive is the Russian-Armenian agreement. But this has started to change, since Russia has realized that Azerbaijan has a lot more to offer them than Armenia. While Armenia is almost bankrupt due to the heavy strain the occupation has provided them, Azerbaijan is among the richest countries in the region. Smart investments  has led to a great increase in military technology, which is to be used to recover their lost lands. According to Azerbaijan president İlham Aliyev this can be achieved by diplomatic means or in the worst case by arms. Seeing that they are in a situation without a positive end, Armenia has come to terms with their underdog position. It has recently agreed to re-establish international relations with Turkey and is now talking with Azerbaijan to ensure that it won’t be swept of the map by the upcoming rich state of Azerbaijan. It was Turkish member of parliament Şenol Bal who described the situation accordingly:
    “Currently, there is no production in Armenia. People head to other countries to earn money. Nearly 50,000-60,000 Armenian migrants work in Turkey. They support their families with their income back in Armenia. Today Armenia has to make concessions to Turkey, but not Turkey to Armenia. In fact, Armenia should ask us to open borders not to starve to death and abandon its claims.”
    According to various diplomats, such as Aladdin Büyükkaya , Armenia has even informally agreed to leave to lands they have occupied for so many years. This has been confirmed by Azerbaijan president Aliyev who stated:
    “Armenia has agreed to leave five Azeri regions it has occupied for 15 years. After doing so, we will agree to sign a peace agreement concerning the largest occupied region Karabağ [where fierce fighting between Armenian and Azeri forces continues on and off]. But Karabağ will not be an independent state, like Armenia wishes to realize, nor will their be a corridor between Karabağ and Armenia. It can at most be a autonomous province of Azerbaijan. After redrawing their forces from five Azeri regions, Armenia will have five years to withdraw from the other two regions Kelbeçer and Leçin.”
    This would mean that the most disputed province of Karabağ (which is located at the hart of Azerbaijan but has a quite large Armenian minority), would be an autonomous province as a part of Azerbaijan. This would of course be good news for the approximately one million Azeri refugees who can at last return to their homes and not in the least for Armenia which can now start to trade with their neighboring states and in doing so, recover their economy.

    There is one development in the region of the Caucasus, that can not be ignored: the rise of Azerbaijan has changed the interest of the regional superpowers. Where Russia and Turkey were to preoccupied with their western neighbors, they are now turning eastern to the Causasus. The main reason for this is the big economic growth that Azerbaijan has gone threw in the last couple of years.

    Ever since the disastrous war against Armenia back in 1992, Azerbaijan has invested largely in their rich oil and gas fields. This has led to the findings of many new oil en gas sources; the excavations and export of these sources has made Azerbaijan without doubt the richest country in the Causasus. Unfortunately for Armenia all the oil and gas pipes are build to go around Armenia (see map 1). So rich that Azerbaijan has found the confidence to tighten the diplomatic relations with other upcoming countries such as Polen, Belarus, Japan, İran, Romania, Russia and their historical and cultural ally Turkey. This is a big difference with Azerbaijan’s biggest rival in the Causasus: Armenia. Ever since Armenia occupied approximately 24% of Azerbaijan’s territory in 1992 (see map 2), it has been regarded as the outlaw of the region. Turkey and Azerbaijan have boycotted Armenia ever since the occupation, an occupation which has led to almost 30.000 dead Azeri civilians and another one million Azeri refugees who were forced to leave the areas occupied by Armenian forces due to Armenia’s policy of ethnic cleansing.

    Now Armenia has to spend a big amount of their budget to consolidate the occupation of Azerbaijan, while almost al their neighbors are boycotting Armenian trade. The only lifeline that holds Armenia alive is the Russian-Armenian agreement. But this has started to change, since Russia has realized that Azerbaijan has a lot more to offer them than Armenia. While Armenia is almost bankrupt due to the heavy strain the occupation has provided them, Azerbaijan is among the richest countries in the region. Smart investments has led to a great increase in military technology, which is to be used to recover their lost lands. According to Azerbaijan president İlham Aliyev this can be achieved by diplomatic means or in the worst case by arms. Seeing that they are in a situation without a positive end, Armenia has come to terms with their underdog position. It has recently agreed to re-establish international relations with Turkey and is now talking with Azerbaijan to ensure that it won’t be swept of the map by the upcoming rich state of Azerbaijan. It was Turkish member of parliament Şenol Bal who described the situation accordingly:

    “Currently, there is no production in Armenia. People head to other countries to earn money. Nearly 50,000-60,000 Armenian migrants work in Turkey. They support their families with their income back in Armenia. Today Armenia has to make concessions to Turkey, but not Turkey to Armenia. In fact, Armenia should ask us to open borders not to starve to death and abandon its claims.”

    According to various diplomats, such as Aladdin Büyükkaya, Armenia has even informally agreed to leave to lands they have occupied for so many years. This has been confirmed by Azerbaijan president Aliyev who stated:

    “Armenia has agreed to leave five Azeri regions it has occupied for 15 years. After doing so, we will agree to sign a peace agreement concerning the largest occupied region Karabağ [where fierce fighting between Armenian and Azeri forces continues on and off]. But Karabağ will not be an independent state, like Armenia wishes to realize, nor will their be a corridor between Karabağ and Armenia. It can at most be a autonomous province of Azerbaijan. After redrawing their forces from five Azeri regions, Armenia will have five years to withdraw from the other two regions Kelbeçer and Leçin.”

    This would mean that the most disputed province of Karabağ (which is located at the hart of Azerbaijan but has a quite large Armenian minority), would be an autonomous province as a part of Azerbaijan. This would of course be good news for the approximately one million Azeri refugees who can at last return to their homes and not in the least for Armenia which can now start to trade with their neighboring states and in doing so, recover their economy.

    Drs. Armand Sag

  • “ARMENIA GETS PREPARED TO USE 1909 ADANA INCIDENTS AGAINST TURKEY”

    “ARMENIA GETS PREPARED TO USE 1909 ADANA INCIDENTS AGAINST TURKEY”

    26 November 2009

    Historian Cezmi Yurtsever claimed that Turkish government’s ’Armenia opening’ initiative will be undermined by ’Adana incidents’ file.

    Historian Cezmi Yurtsever claimed that Armenians are getting prepared to use ’Adana incidents’ as a political card against Turkish government as a reply to Turkish governments calls for Armenia to return to occupied lands to Azerbaijan.

    Yurtsever said, “Armenians initiated preparations in 2009. They held panels and conferences titled „What happened in Adana in 1909“ about the civil war in Adana in 1909. This issue was brought to the agenda in Yerevan, Beirut Cilicia Church and Istanbul Sabanci University by the support of Armenian diaspora. In case Turkey brings the demand of withdrawal of Armenian forces from the occupied lands of Azerbaijan on the agenda of the negotiations towards normalization of relations, Armenia and Armenian diaspora will bring the issue of Adana incidents on the agenda and they will demand for compensation for the real estates of Armenian people that changed hand during the civil war in Adana in 1909.”

    Reminding that Armenian archpriest of Cilicia Church in Beirut, Aram Sarksyan brought this issue on the agenda, Yurtsever said, “Armenian President Serzh Sarksyan, U. S. Ambassador to Beirut, and leading Christian religious leaders voiced these claims of compensation. But Aram Sarksyan claimed that Turkey should pay compensations for the real estates of 30 thousand Armenians that perished during Adana incidents. On the other hand, Ottoman archives show that the Armenian population in the province was about 18 thousand. This proves that statementsof Armenian religious leader were nothing other than speculation.”

    TURKISH HISTORIAN EXHIBITS DOCUMENTS ON ADANA INCIDENTS

    Historian Cezmi Yurtsever exhibits historical document that he collected from Ottoman archives and from the archives of other countries about 1909 Adana incidents. Yurtsever said, “I am aiming to bring the attention of Turkish officials to theintention of Armenian officials to demand for compensation on Adana incidents. Exhibitation will be open between November 24 to 28 in front of Adana Metropolitan Municipality Abidin Dino Park.”

  • Adana Massacres Focus of Istanbul Workshop

    Adana Massacres Focus of Istanbul Workshop

    This is happening in Istanbul, not Armenia.  Yuksel Oktay, Sukru Server Aya, Ergun Kirlikovali, Javid Huseynov or many other contra-genocide view holders are not invited, not welcome, and need not apply…. Peace-loving-dove approaches are easy and they bring in peace of mind to individuals promoting them but they may be naive, selfish, even cruel considering current realities…  What follows below is hard, cold reality.  We have too few people who figght back against nonstop defamation of all things Turkish and even that group is far from being organzied, focused, or even appreciative of the realities…  As if Turks are the ones who occupy Karabagh or have driven a million Azeris into exile…  Reality check please…

    ERGUN KIRLIKOVALI ,

    Turkish Forum Advisory Board Member & ATAA president Elect

    November 13, 2009

    By Roland Mnatsakanyan

    From Nov. 6-7, Sabanci University (Istanbul) just hosted an international workshop entitled “Adana: 1909: History, Memory, and Identity from a Hundred Year Perspective.” The workshop included scholars from the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, France, Italy, and Turkey. The event was sponsored by Gomidas Institute (London), Sabanci University, Istanbul Bilgi University History Department, the International Hrant Dink Foundation, and Bogazici University History Department. A capacity audience filled the lecture theatre and included professors, students, journalists, and members of the public. There was simultaneous translation between English and Turkish.  The papers that were presented will be published in English and Turkish editions.

    In their opening remarks, Cengiz Aktar and Ara Sarafian welcomed the participants and pointed to new opportunities for holding such meetings in Turkey today. They explained that the Adana 1909 workshop was organized to mark the centennial of the Adana massacres. It began with a call for papers in Turkish, Armenian, and English, and the presentations at the workshop reflected the different interests of the participants.

    The first paper was an unusual one, as it was a discussion of Turks who saved Armenians in 1909. The fact that Armenians were massacred was a given, and the speaker presented a sensitive examination of righteous Turkish officials who saved potential victims. The speaker used Ottoman records to show how Ottoman Armenians petitioned the state to recognize one such Turkish official for his role in saving an entire community. This first paper took some of the sting out of the workshop, where the audience could sympathize with the Armenian victims of 1909 without vilifying “Muslims” or “Turks” as single categories. Subsequent papers followed with the same sensitivity.

    Each session was chaired by a senior scholar and was followed by a discussion. The workshop thus benefited from the presence of additional senior scholars, such as Selim Deringil, Caglar Keyder, Mete Tucay, and Hulya Adak.

    The organizers considered the workshop a success.

    The papers that were presented could be summarized as follows (not in the order of presentation at the workshop).

    Some new perspectives

    Abdulhamit Kirmizi gave a well-nuanced paper discussing the fact that some Muslims saved Armenians during the 1909 massacres. The role played by such Muslims was actually acknowledged by Ottoman Armenians after 1909. The speaker’s focus was Major Hadji Mehmet Effendi and his men who defended Sis, the seat of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia, from attacks by neighboring tribes and villages. Kirmizi used Ottoman documentation to discuss such Muslims, many of whom were decorated by the Ottoman government. The actions of these officials were the opposite of other officials who encouraged the massacres. Another well-nuanced and probing paper concerned a complex range of different factors related to the Adana massacres. It was stressed that some of these factors could only be probed in a speculative but informed manner at this stage of debates. One such factor was identified as the presence of tens of thousands of impoverished migrant workers who could not find work in Adana in April 1909. Sinan Dincer ( Ruhr University, Bochum ) discussed such migrant workers in Adana province that season, and suggested that they could have been drawn into the fighting for no other reason than to loot and steal Armenian property. The speaker stated that he was not arguing that this was a major factor explaining the massacres, but it might have been a significant contributing factor.

    Views from Europe

    Two presentations discussed French and German records related to the Adana massacres. Vincent Duclert (EHESS) contrasted the position of the French government following the Hamidian massacres, the Adana massacres, and the Armenian Genocide. He noted that the French government was reluctant to press the Ottoman authorities after the Adana massacres because many French officials supported the Young Turk government. Instead, French authorities played down the issue in France. Dilek Guven (Sabanci University) discussed German consular records, as well as the records of the Baghdad Railway company. These records attested to the terrible suffering of the Armenians in 1909. She noted that German policy towards Ottoman Turkey was uncertain at that time, especially as the 1909 massacres were reportedly carried out by supporters of Abdul Hamid II, whom the Germans had backed until the 1908 revolution. Benedetta Guerzoni (independent scholar) discussed how imagery of the Adana massacres was constructed in western newspapers, with particular reference to Italy and France.

    Some Armenian sources

    Ara Sarafian (Gomidas Institute) and Zakarya Mildanoglu (independent researcher) discussed Armenian records related to the events of 1909. Sarafian introduced Hagop Terzian, who published a powerful report in 1912, on the 1909 events. Terzian included his own testimony in Adana city, as well as the testimonies of others in smaller communities. Sarafian argued that Terzian’s text had a certain popular force-of-argument that challenged official accounts that tried to play down the incidents. Sarafian quoted Terzian to stress the devastating role of the newspaper “Itidal” in agitating and fermenting violence against Armenians. Zakarya Mildanoglu presented the Adana massacres through the Armenian periodical press with many illustrations from different journals. His accounts included satire as a powerful tool to convey what had happened to Armenians. (Mildanoglu was also responsible for a separate exhibition of photographs depicting the Adana massacres. These images and texts were displayed at the workshop.)

    American witnesses

    The role of American missionaries as witnesses was discussed by Lou Ann Matossian  (Cafesjian Family Foundation) and Barbara Merguerian (Armenian International Women’s Association), with powerful papers related to events in the cities of Adana and Tarsus. Tarsus was also the focus of Oral Calislar, a well-known Turkish journalist who presented the testimony of Helen Davenport Gibbons in her book Red Rugs of Tarsus. Calislar, who has published the Turkish translation of this work, gave a personal reflection regarding his native Tarsus. (The Gomidas Institute has just published a critical English edition of the Red Rugs of Tarsus.)

    Human and material losses

    The reality of Armenian losses was stressed by Osman Koker, who gave a fascinating paper on Armenian communities in Adana province, illustrated by photographs and postcards. He included images from Antioch, Alexandretta, Marash, Beylan, Sis, Adana, Tarsus, and Koz Olouk.

    Sait Cetinoglu (Belge Uluslararasi Yayincilik) gave a forceful presentation on the organization and plunder of Armenian properties in 1909, while Asli Comu (Cambridge University) gave a solid paper based on land records from the Adana region in the 1920’s. These records gave new insights into how Armenian properties were broken up and par celled out to Muslim refugees. The actual number of Armenian casualties during the massacres was discussed by Fuat Dundar, who raised some questions about the demographics of the Adana massacres based on his work on the massacres of Abdul Hamid II and the Armenian Genocide. The fate of Armenian orphans following the Adana massacres became a major concern for Armenian community leaders. Nazan Maksudyan gave a moving paper on the fate of such orphans, especially in “foreign” orphanages. One key concern was assimilation in government-run orphanages where the language of instruction was Turkish and not Armenian.

    Literary responses to the massacres

    The legacy of the 1909 massacres could not be explained by simple numbers for casualties or lost properties. Literature was a powerful way to convey a sense of violence, loss, and trauma that accompanied events and lingered on in the lives of survivors. Marc Nichanian (Sabanci University) and Rita Soulahian (McGill Univeristy) discussed the literary response to the Adana massacres, with particular reference to Arshagouhi Teotig, Taniel Varoujan, and Zabel Yessayan. (Unfortunately Nichanian could not be at the workshop and his paper was beautifully presented by Hulya Adak (Sabanci University)).

    Ottoman Parliament

    Anastasia Iliena Moroni (EHESS & Panteion University, Athens ) discussed how the Adana massacres were presented in the Ottoman Parliament.

    Adana Massacres Focus of Istanbul Workshop