Category: Authors

Love Stories of Ararat Mountain and People

On Friday morning, with my friend İsmail, we want to see some places especially Republic Square. First, we go to places near the square. We go to the building of another friend who is journalist, but learn that he is on holiday and trying to find another address in Moskovyan Street. In this street which is on the west of Opera Square, we will meet Shushan, our friend from Sobesednik Newspaper. After a long searching process, we find the address but learn that the building is closed. In Armenia, media companies gives up most of their work when summer season comes. Sitting in the park opposite the building I text a message to Shushan and get the answer immediately. We will meet in Abovyan Street at 21:00…

Until that time, we want to see the amazing place Cascade, so deflect our way into Opera Square. When we go in front of Cascade, we see a giant structure like a pyramid from which you can see the whole Yerevan. In the entrance, there are a couple of sculptures placed on both sides. We visit the exhibition under the monument in which there are postmodern art works. A girl comes close to us and gives some information about the work we are looking at the moment. After that, opening a personal conversation, she asks us where we are from. When she learns that we are Turks, she smiles and says Turks are the people who are coming there least. The Lebanese Armenian girl with green eyes, is trying to share some things from the Armenian culture. She presents us some interesting anecdotes in the section in which there are lots of art works about the respected fruit, pomegranate. We become aware of the belief that a bride throws a pomegranate to the floor and she will have children in the number of pomegranate seeds, is also existent in Armenian culture. In the section where there are descriptions of Noah’s Arc and Agri – Ararat Mountain, it is mentioned that the mountain is the subject of a controversy. But the situation is the same for both sides: The mountain belongs to the all people who are sharing common lands.

After leaving the museum, we start to go up to the peak of Cascade. The place where lovers meet, others make marriage proposal or some others make peace with each other, reminds people The Love Fountain in Rome. Cascade, which homes four or five gardens with pools, of course is the main center of attraction for lovers.

On top of Cascade we sit to relieve our tiredness and want to see Agri – Ararat Mountain which shows coyness and be invisible. Yerevan is in love with Agri – Ararat. This is indispensible and has a great importance for Yerevan. But unluckily, Yerevan cannot see Agri – Ararat because of the blurred atmosphere during summer time and the clouds during the winter season. We think this is the bad luck of Yerevan and start to watch the view of the whole city from that point.

The city, in general, shows a view in which the big cranes goes up to the sky, construction gains speed and new social and political ideas are reflected on the buildings. In the life under Cascade, there is a struggle of people to keep up with the speed of life, but in the further scene there is Revan with its silence reflecting history, just like a coy lover trying to say something.

It is time for us to leave the peak and go down. The luxurious, showy buildings below inform us the quietude to have before being retired.

While going to Abovyan, we see one more time how kind are the people. Whoever we ask the address, he tries to tell the address even if he does not know foreign language or even he brings us to address himself.

While looking at the interesting works in front of the Moscafe and Moscow Cinema, we see in the further away the hotel where the Turks, who tell their observations in Yerevan to Turkish media, prefer to stay. The fact is undeniable: The people coming from Turkey stay either in Mariott or Golden Tulip and try to observe people from there !

We think about eating pizza until we meet Shushan. When we go to pizza house and see Turkish dishes in menu, we are not surprised. On the walls, there are photos of Armenian cinema artists. The moment our orders come, Shushan and Mihran enter the pizza shop. After shaking hands as if we have known each other for a long time, we invite our friends to the table. I am trying to both eat the pizza and talk. But I do not like the taste of the pizza and start to drink my tomato juice. Our friends ask for permission for a better place and we accept it.

We enter a book café. Ismail is sitting next to Shushan. But her boyfriend Mihran makes a request to sit near Şuşan. The conception of being with the person you love is also existent here.

Shushan is a journalist. Mihran works in a private company as a computer engineer. During our conversation, Şuşan and Mihran make Turkish sentences and revive the environment. We tell them that the people in Armenia resemble the people living in Turkey cities Erzurum, Van, Malatya. Azerbaijani language becomes one of the subjects of our conversation. Armenia, having the opportunity to get closely acquainted with both countries, follows the countries’ policies closely. We mentioned many subjects from the similarities between languages to the common shares. During the conversation we talk about neither 1915 nor Karabakh conflict. New generation is more open-minded and supports the dialogue. They think that the problems can be solved with having mutual talk. I ask the current position of opponent communities, especially Tashnaks. Some groups from the opposite party blame the rulership for betraying government and create a common side for this. But the rulership attaches importance to the relations to be developed with Turkey. Political problems obstruct dialogues because there is a bleeding wound, Karabakh conflict.

With Ismail, we direct our way into Republic Square with the aim of going Erebuni. When we get in machine (dolmush), our impressions and observations make us have new ideas. Dolmushes here have night and day recipe. 100 dram during the day, 200 dram at night… An indispensible method to make profit. Just as I am thinking how this method can be applied in Turkey, my phone rings. First person to call me in Yerevan ! The person calling is Diana to whom I have been introduced by my instructor in Ankara. With her fluent Turkish she says ‘’Welcome to Yerevan Mehmet. Do you need something? The place you stay in is comfortable?’’ When I say that everything is okay, we decide to meet next day in Diamond Café… (to be continued)

Mehmet Fatih ÖZTARSU / Caspian Weekly

August 31, 2010
Complaint against Azerbaijan in European Court Could Have Grave Consequences

By Harut Sassounian

Publisher, The California Courier

In recent years, Armenian-Americans have filed several lawsuits in U.S. courts against insurance companies, banks, and the Republic of Turkey, seeking compensation for losses stemming from the Genocide of 1915.

For the first time, on September 15, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) will hold a hearing on a complaint filed by an Armenian family against the Republic of Azerbaijan for damages suffered during the Karabagh (Artsakh) conflict. Remarkably, the ECHR will consider on the same day a similar complaint brought by several Azeris against the Republic of Armenia (Chiragov and others vs. Armenia).

Minas Sargsyan, a former resident of Gulistan in the Shahumyan region, north of Artsakh, filed a complaint on August 11, 2006, regarding the destruction of his house and eviction from his property. Sargsyan stated in his complaint that someone else, presumably an Azeri, is now living in his house. Although Sargsyan passed away a year ago, his widow and two children are continuing to pursue the case. Due to a backlog, the ECHR normally takes several years before it hears a case. The Sargsyan family is represented before the Court by attorneys Narine Gasparyan and Knarik Ohanyan of Yerevan (members of the Legal Guide NGO), and well known human rights lawyer Prof. Philip Leach representing the European Human Rights Advocacy Center in London.

The Shahumyan region is situated on the northern border of the former Nagorno-Karabagh Autonomous Oblast, as it was known in Soviet times. More than 80% of Shahumyan was inhabited by Armenians prior to the Artsakh conflict. In June 1992, when the Azerbaijani forces bombed Gulistan, Sargsyans’ two-storey house was destroyed. As a result, the entire population of the village fled fearing for their lives, according to the “Statement of Facts,” summarized by the ECHR.

Sargsyan’s complaint is based on the following claims:

1. The destruction of his house and eviction from his property constituted “a violation of his right to peaceful enjoyment of his possessions.”

2. Infringement on his right to a private and family life and to his home because of his forced displacement and Azerbaijan’s continuing refusal to allow him access to his home and belongings.

3. In view of the demolition or vandalism of several Armenian cemeteries in Azerbaijan, Sargsyan stated that he was unaware of the condition of the cemetery of his close relatives and that he was deprived of the possibility of visiting their graves, which he had done regularly in the past. The mere fact of knowing that the graves of his relatives were under the risk of being destroyed caused Sargsyan severe suffering and distress. The inability to visit the cemetery deprived him of spiritual communication with his deceased relatives, as visiting and maintaining his relatives’ graves was a religious duty that he fulfilled before his eviction.

4. There are no effective remedies available to ethnic Armenians who were forced to leave their homes in Azerbaijan. Armenians who had sought to lodge complaints with relevant Azerbaijani authorities were unable to obtain any redress for the violation of their rights. Due to the unresolved status of the Artsakh conflict, there were practical difficulties and obstacles for gaining direct access to any remedies available in Azerbaijan.

5. Sargsyan complained that he had been subjected to discrimination in Azerbaijan, based on his ethnic and religious affiliation. He submitted that only ethnic Armenians living in Azerbaijan had been targets of violence, pogroms, and attacks. The Government of Azerbaijan failed to investigate violence against Armenians and to provide redress for the illegal occupation of their properties and the destruction of Armenian cemeteries.

This is the first Armenian complaint lodged with the ECHR for violations of property rights, among others, by the Republic of Azerbaijan. If successful, it will set an important precedent for claims by hundreds of thousands of Armenians who were forced to abandon their properties in Baku and other parts of Azerbaijan. Similarly, the Chiragov complaint lodged against Armenia could open the door for demands by hundreds of thousands of Azeris who left their homes during the Artsakh conflict. In contrast to the Armenian case, however, most Azeris left at their own free will and sold their properties prior to their departure.

It cannot be a mere coincidence that the Armenian and Azeri complaints are set to be heard by the Grand Chamber of the ECHR on the same day. If the Court finds a violation of property rights in these two cases, and orders monetary compensation to the applicants, this would likely lead to many similar cases being filed in the future, which could have far-reaching consequences for the economies of Armenia and Azerbaijan, amounting to billions of dollars. Alternatively, the Court could mandate that both countries allow their respective citizens to return to their former homes, which could create new upheavals and security risks in the region. As members of the Council of Europe, Armenia and Azerbaijan are obligated to comply with the decision of the Court.

Both hearings could be followed live on September 15, on the Court’s website: www.echr.coe.int/echr. The Azeri complaint will be broadcast at 9:15 a.m., while the Armenian one is set for 2:30 p.m. (French time).

August 27, 2010
Genocide Talks Which Are Directed By Foreign Sides

We woke up late in the morning because we had got very tired the night before. The number of dreams we had seen for a couple of days increased dramatically. We were not yet fully relieved our tiredness. Until we met Karine at 13:00, we thought it is time to visit the internet world that we had neglected for a long time.

The morning in Yerevan is clear and brilliant. We are trying to find an internet café in Erebuni. Internet access in the café that we had gone the day before was a bit problematic. Watermelon sellers on the road, grocery stores under apartments and children playing on the puddles remind us the scenes from our own country. There is a map suspended on bus station. In the map the regions such as New Arapkir (Yeni Arapkir), New Malatya (Yeni Malatya), New Zeytun (Yeni Zeytun), New Maras (Yeni Maraş) draw our attention. In the country, foreign representation is highly valued. Whichever embassy building you come close on road, its existence is informed kilometers before. Moreover, in city maps on the bus stations designed by telephone operator firm Orange, embassy buildings are indicated.

We find a café on the road and sit there. After a while, the café owner turns the loud music and turns up sura in Koran. We are really surprised to experience such a situation. We wonder whether the café owner is Muslim. While going out of the café, we are again shocked to see the cross sign on his neck. The facilities that internet provides give interested people the opportunity to listen Koran suras and people are free to utilize this. Especially the Armenians who have lived in Syria are accustomed to this situation. While giving the internet pay, I accidentally take a Turk kurus out. The café owner says that that money is not valid there and I answered saying that is Turk money. With a smile on his face, he expresses his satisfaction: ‘’Welcome!…’’

Today we are going to see Tsitsernakaberd which underlies the Turkish-Armenian crisis and the commemoration of 1915. At the request of my friend Ismail, we scheduled this plan to an earlier time. We get in a taxi and proceed to the monument.

We have come to the monument. This monument is a place designed at one time conscientiously. The construction of the monument whose name means swallow nest started in 1966 to commemorate the 50. anniversary of 1915. 12 columns represent the 12 cities which Armenians migrated to from East Anatolia. The fire between the columns is designed in such a way that it never dies down. Under the monument there is a museum named as ‘’Genocide’’. Here, first we see ‘’1909 Adana Massacre’’ poster. There is an atmosphere created here to show as if Turkey, trying to cope with 31 March movement in 1909, stirred up the troubles in Adana. Our friend informs the officer the fact that we are Turks. With a look full of interest, he sends a translator to us. An attractive woman is trying to tell her national affairs to people who are members of the nation which carried out 1915 happenings to her own nation…

In the museum, in which there are some materials from the posters of Abdulhamit to the ones of Mustafa Kemal who is introduced as dictator and the main responsible of the Pontus genocide, and from the photos of Armenian kids with Cemal Pasha who killed many bandits to provide Armenians with comfort and facilities, to the German descriptions of Talat Pasha who is told as a killer, the translator goes on telling their national affairs with a great desire.

‘’Our ex-lands…’’ says the woman. ‘’Maras, Malatya, Diyarbakir, Mus, Van…’’ On these lands, Young Turks saw every kind of massacre as legal and were mobilized to kill Armenians for a reason that they did not even know. And they were successful…

The museum mirrors a humanitarian plight with the works of French and German painters and writers. Moreover, the book ‘’The Confession of a Good Turk’’ written by a Turk who have fled from Turkey to Germany is still on sale in this museum. The expression ‘’ To sacrifice 4 million souls’’ makes us realize how much affected are the people by the heavy propagandas. As understood from the sources there, these propagandas supported by European countries and Russia is arranged to use at anytime with the aim of creating a manageable power in Caucasia. I call this an externally-guide conversation because neither a Turk nor an Armenian has been able to form the basis for a meeting to discuss these issues. The main problem is the inability to discuss our own matters.

We ask the translator whether England, France and Russia are responsible for this situation. She says: ‘’ They were the forces against the Ottoman Empire and by war’s nature, they were the enemies. The responsibility belonged to Turks.’’ ‘’And Germany?’’ we say, because most of the materials in this museum are originating from Germany.’’ Yes…’’ she says, ‘’ They are partially responsible. Moreover, did not they take the inspiration of the genocide carried out on Jews from Turks?’’

After leaving the museum, we go on to see the monument. This monument is a place consisting of 12 columns and a fire that never dies down. With the blood and tears music played on the background, the environment here is rather gloomy. After a man with tears on his eyes leave the monument, we also go out to see the surrounding area of the monument. In the further park, there is a tree park consisting of trees which have been planted by the leaders around the world. The children of American ambassador Henry Morghenthau, who has a place on our minds with reporting against Turkey, have planted trees here.

After a little talk, we go to Erebuni, feeling hungry find a restaurant and sit there. Our friend says the the women working there that we are Turks. The woman is surprised and says that until that time she has never had a Turkish customer. Being Turkish here causes a short-term shock among people and that’s all…

We are looking at the menu to choose something to eat. As we go on looking, our astonishment increases because in menu there are the same dishes as in Turkey.

We order chicken shish and ‘’tan’’( ayran) as a beverage. During the meal, we talk about the similarities between Turk and Armenian culture. In Armenian language, there are lots of Turkish word. But the fact that these words have come from Turkish are not widely known there. The words such as ‘’Yaban, meydan, chardak, charshaf, yahudi, hach’’ are used in the same meaning in both languages.

When we say that in Armenian culture there are abduction of girls, coffee fortune-telling and asking for the girl in a marriage, Karine becomes both shocked and happy. The same fortune-telling conversations are also existent in their culture.

Our friend asks why there are many claims in Turkey against Armenians. We emphasize the fact that the situation is not what is thought and political problems create social problems. The family of our friend accepted our request to see them. They say after two days we can go to their country house. After leaving the restaurant, we are going towards the motel. All the way, we talk about Yerevan and the similarities between our languages.

I want to call some places with telephone. After telephone breaks down, the women working there goes and brings me another phone in a hurry. They are really warm and friendly people… (to be continued)

Mehmet Fatih ÖZTARSU / Caspian Weekly

Translated By : Yasemin Taşçı / Volunteer of TUIC

August 26, 2010
Why Would Armenians Go to Akhtamar

Why Would Armenians Go to Akhtamar, And Become Tools of Turkish Propaganda?

Ever since the Genocide, after nearly a century of banning Armenian church services, the Turkish government has finally decided to allow a one-time celebration of Mass to be held at the 10th Century Holy Cross Church on Akhtamar Island.

Questions have been raised about the prudence of attending the Sept. 19 church services to which the Turkish government has invited Armenians from around the world, members of the international media and foreign Ambassadors and dignitaries. Those calling for a boycott indicate that the true aim of the Turkish authorities is to score propaganda points with the European Union and the United States, by feigning tolerance towards Christians and other minorities. In reality, successive Turkish governments have carried out a systematic policy of eliminating all visible signs of Armenian presence throughout Western Armenia (Eastern Turkey) for over nine decades, during which more than 2,000 Armenian churches and monasteries have been destroyed or converted into non-religious use. The Holy Cross Church itself was targeted for demolition some years ago, but was saved by the intervention of a local Turkish official.

Critics of those traveling to Akhtamar also object to the Turkish government’s classification of the historic church as a “museum,” and holding services only once a year. After many requests and complaints, Turkish officials have finally promised to place a cross on the church’s dome.

There is no reason for Armenians to be grateful to a country that, after confiscating and destroying thousands of churches, is now allowing a religious ceremony in a single church, which it classifies as a museum. This church and thousands of others should belong to the Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul, and services should be held as needed, without governmental permission or interference.

Last week, tempers flared in Armenia when the Holy See of Etchmiadzin announced its intention to send two clergymen to the Sept. 19 ceremonies. His Holiness Catholicos Karekin II usually consults with Armenian officials before taking decisions on matters involving foreign countries. Since he was absent from Armenia while this announcement was made and possibly unaware of the objections raised, His Holiness now has the opportunity to make a final determination regarding the sending of representatives of the Holy See to Akhtamar. As Armenians in Turkey are not permitted to freely express their views, Church officials and lay leaders outside Turkey should take the initiative to condemn the Turkish exploitation of Armenian religious ceremonies.

The Foreign Ministry of Armenia announced that it has not received an official invitation from Ankara to send a delegation to the Holy Cross Church. It is hoped that if and when such an invitation is extended, the Armenian government would reject it. Yerevan handed the Turks a propaganda victory last year by signing the Armenia-Turkey Protocols. Participating in the Akhtamar church services would be tantamount to presenting the Turks an undeserved additional reward.

There are indications, however, that this time around the Armenian government may not be as accommodating. Eduard Sharmazanov, spokesman of Pres. Sargsyan’s ruling Republican Party and Member of Parliament, harshly criticized the planned church services, calling it a “publicity stunt” and a “provocation” to mislead the international community.

In addition, a subcommittee of the Public Council, an advisory body formed by Pres. Sargsyan, issued a statement, urging Armenians to boycott the Holy Cross church services. It called on all self-respecting Armenians to refrain from participating in “this cheap Turkish show.” Giro Manoyan, spokesman of the opposition Armenian Revolutionary Federation in Yerevan, also advocated boycotting the church services and criticized the Holy See of Etchmiadzin for planning to send two clerics to Akhtamar.

A clear indication of Turkish disinterest in preserving Armenian churches is the interrogation by the secret police of several thousand families who have offered to host Armenian visitors in nearby city of Van on September 19, due to shortage of hotel rooms. Turkish officials are suspicious that host families may be forcefully Turkified or Kurdified remnants of Armenian Genocide victims. By this appalling action, reminiscent of Nazi Germany’s Gestapo tactics, the Turkish regime is showing its obsession to keep track of its citizens’ ethnic origin. In fact, after this racist investigation, a number of families have been officially banned from hosting Diaspora Armenians in Van.

Armenians who naively plan to attend religious ceremonies in “a museum” would inadvertently legitimize the confiscation of a historic Armenian Church and promote a political show staged by Turkish authorities.

It is perfectly understandable that Turkish leaders would want to create a positive image in order to facilitate their country’s entry into the European Union, and counter Armenian efforts for the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide. It is far less understandable, however, why Armenians would help advance the Turks’ anti-Armenian objectives.

August 26, 2010
MONKEYS IN WONDERLAND

Silivri is sunflower country, vast undulating sun-filled land that rolls down to the Marmara Sea about 72 kilometers west of Istanbul. Silivri Prison squats therein on spoiled high ground 72 million light-years beyond the rule of law. Here, in the best of fascist traditions, the so-called Ergenekon coup case is being tried in a converted gymnasium. Think Stalin. Think Hitler. Think Pinochet. Think Turkey. Think Auschwitz.

The charges are vague. The proof is a hodge-podge of illegal wiretaps, secret witnesses (think Spanish Inquisition), prosecutorial leaks to pro-government newspapers, planted and otherwise tainted evidence illegally obtained. Concern about the provenance of such evidence is ignored by the court. The dossiers against the accused—journalists, labor leaders, lawyers, writers, retired military officers, all defenders of the republic established by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk—number in the hundreds, the pages therein in the hundreds of thousands. Think Charles Dickens’ Bleak House. The defendants on trial still do not know the specific charges against them. Some have been incarcerated for more than two years. There is no notion of habeas corpus. The case reads as if assembled by an infinite number of monkeys banging away on computers while juggling scissors and paste pots. The chief prosecutor, allegedly a lawyer, has the appropriate last name of Öz.

When I attended the session on 13 August the chief prosecutor was somewhere on the yellow brick road and thus absent, as were all his assistants. So the three judges interrogated the accused. This in itself is incredible. These are the same judges that are supposed to render a verdict of guilt or innocence. How can they be impartial if they are also helping the prosecutor make the case? How can they remain open-minded and just if they are emotionally involved in the prosecution? This is wildly prejudicial and trashes any notion regarding the presumption of innocence. More importantly, by directly interrogating the defendants, the judges have already accepted the validity of the evidence. Defense counsels were challenging the legality of the evidence but to no avail. The judges had already de facto accepted it. To whom should evidentiary appeals be made? Zeus? Telephone numbers and snippets of alleged conversation were read into the record. Do you know this man? No? Do you remember this telephone number? No. Amazingly, a listing of the prescription medications taken by an army general not even charged appeared in the dossier. What a fiasco! No corroborating evidence or witnesses were called. The session was just one long boring rendition of irrelevancies, immaterialities, and hearsay. On droned the three judges, See-No-Legal, Hear-No-Legal, Speak-No-Legal. An embarrassing travesty. Think Emile Zola’s J’Accuse.

In Chile, Pinochet executed all opposed to his regime in the football stadium in Santiago. In Turkey, a slower political genocide is unfolding, this one in a prison exercise hall. The victims? The heirs of the Turkish secular republic founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. The Turkish army, the supposed defender of Atatürk’s masterpiece has been neutered. It quietly licks its wounds and feathers its nest in incompetent solitude.

Yes, a political genocide of epic dimension is raging throughout the land. It reeks of injustice. But who cares? It is aided and abetted by the west. But who cares? We know where the traitors are. But where are the patriots? It’s the most disgusting of monkey business. Anyone care for a banana?

Cem Ryan
Istanbul

August 22, 2010
Turkish Civilian-Military Relations Overhauled

Turkish Civilian-Military Relations Overhauled

Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 7 Issue: 156

August 12, 2010

By Saban Kardas

The recent Supreme Military Council (YAS) meeting served as an additional showdown between the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the country’s military leadership. When the four-day long YAS meeting ended on August 4, it failed to fill key posts, raising questions about the future command structure of the Turkish military, as well as the overall direction of the civil-military relationship.

A prime function of the YAS was to discuss the status of military personnel expecting appointments or retirements in the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). The established traditions regarding the promotions and appointments in the Turkish military’s upper echelons, which are based on tenure and seniority, have been implemented strictly. Although the government and the president have the final say in appointment and promotion decisions, traditionally, the civilian authorities endorse the list suggested by the top military brass.

The AKP government’s active interference in appointments this year has been an important exception to the rule. In the words of one Turkish security analyst and close observer of military affairs, Nihat Ali Ozcan, it was “the biggest crisis ever encountered by the Turkish armed forces in its history” (Hurriyet Daily News, August 4).

The ongoing investigations into different coup plots in which several active and retired military officers are charged over their involvement in plans to overthrow the government eventually affected the promotions. On the eve of the YAS meeting, a court summoned 19 officers, and various retired officers, to testify in a probe, including the current First Army Corps Commander, General Hasan Igsiz. None of the suspects surrendered to the police, and appealed against their arrest.

The government refused to consider the promotion of military officers, implicated in the coup plots. Particularly, the government objected to Igsiz’s appointment as the commander of the Land Forces, who was implicated in two investigations. His alleged involvement in a campaign to defame the government through setting up various web sites, known as “Internet Memorandum,” angered Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Moreover, the government delayed the promotion of 11 high ranking officials for whom arrest warrants were issued in the ongoing coup investigation, known as “Sledgehammer.” These various cases are connected to a probe into an alleged gang, Ergenekon, seeking to dismantle the incumbent government.

Reportedly, the current Chief of the General Staff (CGS), General Ilker Basbug, insisted on Igsiz’s promotion, raising tension between the government and military. There was a consensus that the current Land Forces Commander, Isik Kosaner, would replace Basbug as the new CGS. However, in the absence of an agreement on who would replace Kosaner due to President, Abdullah Gul, and the government’s refusal to sign Igsiz’s appointment, the decision was postponed.

Thus, when the results of the YAS were announced on the fourth day, it left the two key posts, CGS and Land Forces commander, unfilled. Naval Forces Commander, Admiral Esref Ugur Yigit, and Air Forces Commander, General Hasan Aksay, remained in their posts for another year, while Necdet Ozel was appointed as the new head of the Gendarmerie General Command (Anadolu Ajansi, August 4). Several efforts were made to address this crisis, through various meetings between the president, top government officials and military headquarters.

To complicate matters further, General Atilla Isik, who was expected to assume the Land Forces command instead of Igsiz, announced his request for retirement on August 5. The Turkish press speculated that Isik was protesting the government’s interference with the military’s inner workings over the appointment. Arguably, Basbug sought to mobilize force commanders to submit their resignations to protest against the government. Through such moves, it was further argued that Basbug was seeking to shape the future line of command, by opening the way to promote officers close to him. In particular, Basbug was allegedly seeking to block the new Gendarmerie commander Ozel’s succession of Kosaner as the CGS in 2013 (Bugun, August 6). Isik dismissed such speculation, and denied the allegations that he offered to resign due to pressures from within the military (www.ntvmsnbc.com, August 6). Nonetheless, this development delayed the resolution of the appointment crisis.

On Sunday, Erdogan announced a breakthrough, saying that the government and military had reached an agreement. Following president Gul’s approval, the standoff over the new command structure ended. Kosaner was appointed as the chief of staff, while the current EDOK commander General Erdal Ceylanoglu, who was appointed as the Commander of the First Army in the YAS meeting, was appointed as the new commander of the armed forces. Aegean Army Corps Commander, Hayri Kivrikoglu, became the Commander of the First Army. Ceylanoglu assumed the command of the armed forces, instead of the more senior General Ozel. Although this practice contravened the established rules, it secured Ozel’s path to become the CGS in 2013, replacing Kosaner (www.ntvmsnbc.com, August 9).

For supporters of the Erdogan government, this development marks a step towards greater civilian control over the military. In their view, even the fact that the current military leadership insisted on the promotion of officers under investigation highlighted its disregard for the ongoing judicial process and civil supremacy. They see the government’s insistence on shaping the top command chain, despite the military’s opposition, as a strong vindication that civil-military relations will be normalized, and the military will have to learn how to obey the rule of civil law. For critics and opposition parties, however, the government is interested in curbing the power of the military in order to consolidate its power in Turkish politics. By pointing to the timing of the court orders, they argue that the government is using the ongoing legal process to sweep the anti-government officers from office.

However, underlying this crisis is a power struggle between the military and the Erdogan government, and it appears the government has won in the latest showdown. Nevertheless, it may be too early to suggest that it signals an outright victory. Depending upon the outcome of controversial legal cases, civil-military relations may evolve in a different direction than desired by the government and its supporters.

https://jamestown.org/program/turkish-civilian-military-relations-overhauled/

August 13, 2010