Category: Authors

  • Dr. Charny Dismantles Prof. Gunter’s  Deceptive Genocide Denialism

    Dr. Charny Dismantles Prof. Gunter’s Deceptive Genocide Denialism

     

    Sassunian -son resim

     

     

     

    As the Centennial approaches, Turkish officials and their cohorts are searching for more subtle approaches to deny the Armenian Genocide. Realizing that their past practice of outright denial is no longer credible, they have initiated a more sophisticated campaign that intends to raise subtle questions about the Armenian Genocide, sowing seeds of doubt among uninformed masses.

     

    It is not very often that I refer to book reviews in this column, but I could not ignore the masterful way Dr. Israel Charny, Executive Director of the Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide in Jerusalem, dismantles Prof. Michael Gunter’s book, Armenian History and the Question of Genocide, which illustrates the latest revisionist approach at genocide denial.

     

    Here are brief excerpts from Dr. Charny’s derisive review of Gunter’s book:

     

    “This is the BEST book I have ever read — which means it is the best of the whole terrible world of books that are devoted to ridiculous and ugly denials of absolutely factual known genocides. It is, therefore, a TERRIBLE work…. This is the best DENIALIST work I have ever seen insofar as it is written with a quietness, and solidity of coverage of issues, and even more as if with an apparent fairness of representing ranges of ideas and opinions about issues rather than strong-arm statements of single opinion-truths.

     

    “Gunter, a professor at Tennessee Tech, opens the book with a clear acknowledgment-disclosure of his significant period of lecturing in Turkey, and even as he says ‘I have long wanted to present an objective analysis of the Turkish point of view,’ he clearly conveys that he is very much on the side of Turkish denial of the Armenian Genocide….

     

    “Gunter is nonetheless a kind denier who continuously throws us bones for our respite — and thereby of course it would seem proves and reproves his announced objectivity. Thus in the same poisonous ‘Foreword’ he quickly adds to his core statement of denial crocodile tears: ‘Of course in no way does this excuse the horrible excesses committed by the Turks.’

     

    “Perhaps the highest praise I can give Gunter is that unlike other great deniers he cites a large number of scholars and writers, who have published the now wonderfully strong literature confirming the Armenian Genocide — and I would add genocides of other peoples alongside the Armenians, specifically the Assyrians, Greeks, and Yezidis, and also the beginning moves of the Ottoman government toward a potential genocide of the Jews in Palestine. Deniers generally stay away like the plague from writers who confirm the Armenian Genocide….

     

    “How does our intrepid ‘objective’ scholar conclude his book? Of course, he wants to be helpful in curbing the denial that fuels ‘continuing fear and revenge.’ So he offers strategies beginning with splitting the ‘more affluent Armenian Diaspora’ that is so concerned with ‘allegations of genocide’ from ‘the nation in Armenia’ and the ‘immediate economic reality of Armenia.’ Yes, he wants to be large-hearted and he calls on Turkey to help Armenia with its economic problems, and thus in eternal realpolitik ‘Turkey may begin to split the two Armenian actors.’ But all is not lost in deception. Goodhearted Gunter also includes a proposal to Turkey to open the borders it has lockjammed with Armenia for so many years.”

     

    Charny concludes his incisive review by suggesting that Gunter’s book “should be studied by all students of denial for its artful stratagems of sounding fair, acting fairly, citing scholarship that covers divergent and contradictory points of view, speaking consistently softly, and of course calling for justice and peace, all in the course of organizing a disarming, deceitful, anti-history and anti-value-of-life work that should frighten anybody who is concerned with integrity in intellectual and scholarly works, and genuine valuing of human life.”

     

    Taking one last jab at Gunter’s insidious denialism, Charny gives him a parting underhanded praise: “Once upon a time, deniers were so wild and obvious buffoons that they claimed that the Ottoman Turkish government protected and took care of the poor Armenian exiles in their forced march out of Armenia…. Now increasingly we have a whole series of recognized academicians who write in our contemporary language of scholarship and make their points in the name of open discussion and fairness. Gunter can be congratulated that he has risen to the top of this group….”

     

  • Plaintiffs File Devastating Response  To US Government’s Anti-Armenian Brief

    Plaintiffs File Devastating Response To US Government’s Anti-Armenian Brief

    Sassunian -son resim

     

     

     

    Lawyers on behalf of Armenian plaintiffs responded last week to the U.S. Government’s brief which had urged the Supreme Court not to review a Federal Appeals Court decision striking down a California law extending the statute of limitations on Armenian Genocide-era insurance claims.

     

    The Solicitor General, on behalf of the U.S. government, had filed a politically-motivated and flawed brief that completely misrepresented the insurance case and raised unwarranted questions about the legality of the California law.

     

    In his brief on the plaintiffs’ behalf, Igor Timofeyev, argues that the California statute (Section 354.4) does not violate any established federal policy and should therefore not be preempted. He asserts that California has the right to regulate the obligations of insurance companies, a traditional sphere of state competence and jurisdiction.

     

    The plaintiffs’ lawyer accuses the US government of advancing “an unprecedented theory of federal affairs preemption: All claims arising out of international incidents are committed exclusively to the federal competence, even when these claims involve private actors and private contracts, and the federal government has taken no action to resolve them.”

     

    Timofeyev qualifies the U.S. government’s position as “revolutionary” and “antithetical to the respect due to the states as separate sovereigns.” He then summarizes his counter-arguments in six points:

     

    1) “To justify the Ninth Circuit’s aberrant decision, the Government articulates a foreign affairs field preemption theory of unprecedented breadth.” Timofeyev asserts: “Petitioners’ claims are against a private [German insurance] company, not against a foreign sovereign. Nor are these claims integral to ‘a major foreign policy dispute’ between the U.S. and a foreign nation.” The State of California, being “home to the overwhelming majority of Armenian-Americans,” has “a legitimate interest in securing compensation for its injured residents, irrespective of whether the underlying injury occurred in-state or abroad.”

     

    2) “The court of appeals committed a fundamental error: It adjudged illegitimate a state’s well-established interests in regulating insurance, setting the statute of limitations for state-law claims, and ensuring compensation for its injured residents simply because the events giving rise to these claims occurred overseas. That is not the law.”

     

    3) Countering the Government’s contention that Section 354.4 is based on “a distinct political point of view on a specific matter of foreign policy…

    one that decries the actions of the Ottoman Empire,” Timofeyev reminds the court that Pres. Obama himself acknowledges that the Ottoman mass murders were “one of the worst atrocities of the 20th century.” Furthermore, the President commended states for commemorating “the massacre [of Armenians] in the final days of the Ottoman Empire.” Timofeyev also asserts that “the President’s repeated praise for states’ commemorative efforts is fundamentally inconsistent with the Government’s claim that the foreign affairs doctrine automatically preempts any state action expressing a ‘point of view’ on this issue.”

     

    4) “The Government tries to bootstrap its preemption argument by invoking the U.S. efforts to negotiate a resolution of World War I era claims…. The Government concedes that Section 354.4 ‘does not conflict’ with any of these diplomatic efforts. Indeed, the Government acknowledges that ‘the United States did not…attempt to negotiate the resolution of claims by Armenians who were injured by the Ottoman Empire during that period.’” In fact, one of the reasons why the US Senate refused to ratify the American Treaty of Lausanne was “the absence of provisions for the Armenian refugees and exiles from the Ottoman Empire.”

     

    5) The Government seems alarmed that Section 354.4 “imposes the politically charged label of ‘genocide’” on Turkey, which “could provoke Turkey’s ire. But fear of ‘upsetting foreign powers…even when the Federal Government desperately wants to avoid upsetting foreign powers’ is not a legitimate reason to preempt traditional state activity…. The Government cannot explain why, if the term ‘Armenian Genocide’ employed by Section 354.4 would have an adverse effect on foreign affairs, the same would not hold equally for laws and resolutions adopted by about forty states that expressly recognize the Armenian Genocide by name. Nor does the Government explain why a statute ‘creating judicially enforceable rights’ is more offensive to Turkey than state laws including the Armenian Genocide as part of mandatory school curricula.”

     

    6) “The Ninth Circuit’s aberrant decision is generating confusion among lower courts.”

     

    Timofeyev rightly concludes his brief by urging the Supreme Court to “review and correct the Ninth Circuit’s decision before it causes greater mischief.”

     

     

  • House Resolution Goes Beyond Genocide Recognition Seeking Truth and Justice

    House Resolution Goes Beyond Genocide Recognition Seeking Truth and Justice

    Sassunian -son resim

     

    Publisher, The California Courier
    In a welcome move, four members of the U.S. House of Representatives have introduced a resolution that advocates a new approach for the pursuit of Armenian rights in Congress, going beyond genocide recognition.
    This new bipartisan initiative, introduced by Congressmen David Valadao (R-CA), Adam Schiff (D-CA), Michael Grimm (R-NY), and Frank Pallone (D-NJ), is appropriately titled: “Armenian Genocide Truth and Justice Act.”
    It is well-known that the U.S. government has recognized the Armenian Genocide on several occasions, starting in 1951 by the submission of an official document to the International Court of Justice (World Court), followed by Pres. Ronald Reagan’s Presidential Proclamation of April 22, 1981, and through two House resolutions in 1975 and 1984.
    The proposed measure calls upon Pres. Obama “to work toward equitable, constructive, and durable Armenian-Turkish relations based upon the Republic of Turkey’s full acknowledgement of the facts and ongoing consequences of the Armenian Genocide, and a fair, just, and comprehensive international resolution of this crime against humanity,” the Armenian National Committee of America reported.
    It is high time that Armenian-Americans support congressional efforts that go beyond the mere repetition of the acknowledged facts of Armenian Genocide, and seek the more meaningful goal of justice, which entails the restitution and recovery of the substantial losses suffered as a consequence of the Genocide, including personal and community properties, and the occupied territories of Western Armenia. It is hardly conceivable that anyone would dare to oppose the universally-accepted concept of justice, not even Rejep Tayyip Erdogan, the Prime Minister of Turkey, who heads the ruling ‘Justice and Development Party.’
    It is understandable that for many years, it was necessary to seek genocide recognition as most of the world was unaware of the Armenian Genocide. However, as a result of the relentless efforts by the Armenian Diaspora and the Republic of Armenia, there is no longer a need to continue pursuing recognition — having largely prevailed over persistent Turkish denialism. By declaring victory and moving forward to reclaim their just demands, Armenians would avoid falling in the Turkish trap of trying to reconfirm the facts of the Genocide ad nauseam! Meanwhile, the Turkish government would continue its shameful refusal to acknowledge the Armenian Genocide or might engage in the deceptive game of issuing partial and meaningless apologies in order to mislead the international community on the eve of the Genocide’s Centennial.
    The new House resolution also seeks to shift the U.S. government’s efforts away from the ill-fated Armenia-Turkey Protocols and refocus the Obama Administration’s attention on Armenia’s just demands from Turkey. The congressional resolution reminds Pres. Obama of his April 24, 2012 statement in which he advocated that “a full, frank, and just acknowledgement of the facts is in all of our interests. Moving forward with the future cannot be done without reckoning with the facts of the past.”
    The resolution points out that the Republic of Turkey, rather than “reckoning with the facts of the past,” has “escalated its international campaign of Armenian Genocide denial, maintained its blockade of Armenia, and increased its pressure on the small but growing Turkish civil society movement acknowledging the Armenian Genocide and seeking justice from this systematic campaign of destruction of millions of Armenian, Greek, Assyrian, Pontian, Syriac, and other Christians upon their biblical-era homelands.”
    The Congressional resolution further declares that U.S. “national interests in the establishment of equitable, constructive, stable, and durable relations between Armenians and Turks cannot be meaningfully advanced by circumventing or otherwise seeking to avoid materially addressing the central political, legal, security, and moral issue between these two nations: Turkey’s denial of truth and justice for the Armenian Genocide.”

    The newly-introduced resolution makes it clear that Armenians, rather than being satisfied by merely regurgitating the well-known facts of the Genocide, demand a just resolution through full and comprehensive restitution.

  • White House Files Politically-Motivated,   Anti-Armenian Brief to US Supreme Court

    White House Files Politically-Motivated, Anti-Armenian Brief to US Supreme Court

    Sassunian -son resim

     

     

     

    The U.S. Supreme Court asked the Obama Administration last October if it should review a Federal Appeals Court decision that had struck down a California law (Section 354.4) extending the statute of limitations on Armenian Genocide-era life insurance claims.

     

    The U.S. Solicitor General, the lawyer representing the United States government before the Supreme Court, filed a response last week. He urged the Supreme Court not to hear the appeal, and let stand the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruling that the California law “impermissibly” intruded into the federal government’s foreign relations powers.

     

    Given Pres. Obama’s disappointing record of kowtowing to Turkey, particularly on Armenian Genocide issues, it is not surprising that the Administration’s brief went far beyond the question whether the Supreme Court should hear the appeal.

     

    The U.S. Solicitor General erroneously claimed that:

     

    — Contrary to the assertion of Armenian litigants, “California was not acting within an area of its traditional competence,” i.e., insurance regulation.

     

    — The California law “intrudes upon substantial foreign affairs powers” of the federal government and leads to judgments “based on politically contentious events that occurred in the Ottoman Empire nearly a century ago”;

     

    — Beyond simply intruding, this law would “disturb foreign relations” with Turkey. Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush had opposed congressional resolutions on the Armenian Genocide, alleging that such measures would “undermine efforts to encourage improved relations between Armenia and Turkey”;

     

    — Section 354.4 “would impermissibly intrude upon the federal foreign affairs power” in an area where the United States “acted in the post-World War I era to resolve certain claims by American citizens” through the Ankara Agreement (Oct. 25, 1934), American Treaty of Lausanne (August 6, 1923), and Treaty of Berlin and Claims Agreement (Aug. 10, 1922).

     

    Several rebuttals are in order to the Solicitor’s General’s misguided and politically-motivated arguments:

     

    — The California law does not intrude on the federal government’s foreign affairs powers as it simply attempts to regulate the obligations of insurance companies, an area of state competence and jurisdiction. This law provides an opportunity to right a historic wrong by forcing insurance companies to make long overdue payments to heirs of their deceased clients;

     

    — German insurance companies are the defendants in this case, not Turkey, even though the latter filed a brief opposing the lawsuit. Remarkably, the Solicitor General’s brief mirrors some of the arguments advanced by Turkey.

     

    — The Solicitor General selectively cites the opposition of Clinton and Bush administrations to congressional resolutions on the Armenian Genocide, ignoring the long-standing U.S. record on genocide recognition, including resolutions adopted by the House of Representatives in 1975 and 1984, Pres. Reagan’s Presidential Proclamation of 1981, and U.S. Government’s 1951 written statement to the International Court of Justice (World Court) acknowledging the Armenian Genocide.

     

    — All three treaties/agreements cited by the Solicitor General are unrelated to the subject matter of this lawsuit. The Ankara Agreement and the American Treaty of Lausanne involve the Republic of Turkey, not German insurance companies. Also, the American Treaty of Lausanne lacks any legal standing as a non-ratified treaty. The Solicitor General undermines his own position by acknowledging that the California law “does not expressly conflict with the Ankara Agreement, the American Treaty of Lausanne, or the Treaty of Berlin and Claims Agreement,” which “addressed only the claims of those who were U.S. citizens at the time of World War I, not those who became U.S citizens after the war had concluded.”

     

    The Solicitor General’s “legal opinion,” besides being flawed on all counts, is more of a political statement that deprives American citizens of their right to insurance claims.

     

    One would hope that the Supreme Court will ignore the Solicitor General’s brief, and agree to hear the case, even though the chances are slim, because the Court accepts only a small percentage of cases submitted to it.

     

    The Solicitor General’s overreaching arguments, if unchallenged, would have a chilling effect on all future genocide restitution efforts, particularly on the eve of the Armenian Genocide Centennial!

     

    Armenian-American community leaders should take all possible measures to counter the Solicitor General’s politically-motivated arguments, by cutting all ties with the Obama Administration, organizing protests at presidential appearances, seeking congressional intervention to establish a federal commission for genocide restitution similar to that of the Holocaust, and amending Section 354.4 of the California law to circumvent the presented objections, no matter how flimsy. Moreover, the Armenian government should immediately withdraw its signature from the Armenia-Turkey Protocols which are repeatedly cited by the White House and U.S. courts as a pretext for opposing Armenian Genocide-related efforts, under the guise of wanting not to undermine Armenia-Turkey relations, which are non-existent!

     

    It is now crystal clear that Pres. Obama’s deceptive use of ‘Meds Yeghern’ in his annual commemorative statements does not amount to an acknowledgment of the Armenian Genocide, contrary to the gleeful pronouncements of some gullible souls.

     

    Finally, the Armenian-American community should reconsider its strategy of seeking genocide acknowledgment through congressional resolutions which are not only unnecessary, but counter-productive, as these unsuccessful attempts undermine previously adopted resolutions and cast doubt on the long-established U.S. record of Armenian Genocide recognition.

     

     

  • The İdea of Naval Attack to Dardanelle

    The İdea of Naval Attack to Dardanelle

    WİNSTON CHURCHİLL AND GALLİPOLİ COMPAİN
    ( 18th MARCH 1915)
    ( PART–4 )

    THE İDEA OF THE NAVAL ATTACK TO DARDANELLE:

    It was the common view that, it was Churchill who had brought about the war with Turkey. There for Churchill became angry with the Turks. On 17 August the Prime Minister Asquit noted “Winston, in his most bellicose mood all for sending a torpedo flotilla through the Dardanelle’s to sink the Goeben and her consort. Cabinet opinion, however, was swayed by the views of the Secretary of State of War and the Secretary of State for India, who argued that it would be damaging for Britain to appear to be the aggressor against the Ottoman Empire.” (1) Churchill continued to press for action. On 1 September he initiated staff talks between the Admiralty and the war office to plan an attack on Turkey in the event of war. The fallowing day he received authority from the Cabinet to sink Turkish vessels if they issued from the Dardanelles in company with the Goeben and Breslau. After getting this authorization Dardanelles Squadron Commander stopped a Turkish torpedo boat on 27 September. Upon this hostile demonstration Enver Pasha authorized the German officer commanding the Turkish defences of the Dardanelles to order the Straits to be sealed off and the complete the laying of minefields across them. This action cut of the Allied merchant shipping because the Dardanelle had been Russia’s one ice-free maritime passageway to the west. Through them Russia sent 50% of her export trade, notably her wheat crop which in turn, to buy arms and ammunition for the war. This was also the result of Churchill’s another fault.
    By the end of August Churchill had been violently an anti-Turk. He and Lloyd George were enthusiastic advocates of the Balkan confederation. On 31st August Churchill wrote a private letter to Balkan leaders urging the creation of a confederation of Bulgaria, Serbia, Rumania, Montenegro and Greece to join the Allies. On 2 September he initiated private talks with the Greek government to discuss the form that military cooperation between their two countries might take in an offensive operation against Ottoman Empire. He wrote to Sir Edward Grey, British Minister of Foreign Affairs, “ All I am asking is that the interest and integrity of Turkey shall no longer be considered by you in any efforts which are made to secure common action among the Christian Balkan States.” (2) Churchill and some British politicians were point out in August 1914 that, having the Ottoman Empire for an enemy had its advantages. Free at last to cut up the Ottoman Empire and to offer portions of its territory to other countries at the eventual peace settlement. Britain could now hold out the lure of territorial gains in order to bring Italy and the Balkan countries into the war on her side. (3)
    In the Eastern Mediterranean, The British made sure of the two Turkish territories that they held under special arrangements. Cyprus – a leasehold since 1878 and Egypt since 1881- they annexed out of hand on the day that went to war with Turkey. At the Cabinet meeting on November 9 Lloyd George referred to the “ ultimate destiny of Palestine”, and after it Herbert Samuel spoke to Grey about the possible formation of a Jewish state, Mr. Churchill favoured an attack on the Gallipoli Peninsula as the best way defending Egypt and Suez Canal, sir John Maxwell, about achieving the same end by an attack on Alexandretta (Iskenderun), where the Baghdad Railway ran near to the cost. And which seemed to Maxwell “The safest and most fruitful” way to embarrass the Turks. In August, when the Greeks offered to place all naval and military resources at the disposal of the Entente Powers was refused because of the Russian objections, and the idea of attacking Alexandretta was more than once discarded because of French susceptibilities about Syria. (4)
    In European theatre of war, vast Russian Armies had suffered defeat at Tannenberg and the Masurian Lakes; they wanted help in the form of arms and ammunition and they wanted the Turks distracted from their campaign in the Caucasus. If Russia collapsed, Germany’s worst serious worry, that of fighting a war on two fronts was gone. The situation revived an old idea of Winston Churchill, an operation to force Dardanelles and seize Istanbul. (5) At the beginning of 1915 when Lord Kitchener received the requests of Russian High Command for a diversionary attack over Turkish Soils, he changed in mind and very parallel to Churchill’s proposal he accepted a British assault to Dardanelles. Churchill on the morning of 3 January 1915, met his near group at Admiralty to reconsider whether, given the importance of keeping Russia in the war, it really would be out of the question to mount a wholly naval operation. The idea employing only warships that were old and expendable was raised; and the war group decided to ask the commander on the spot for his views. Churchill was interested especially in this concept, despite the difficulties that had been experienced when Admiral Duckwood’s British Fleet had attempted the same manoeuvre, unsuccessfully, in 1807.İn accordance with the concept once the fleet had overcome the decrepit Turkish shore- batteries and entered the Sea of Marmara, it was hoped that Greece, Bulgaria, and perhaps Romania and Italy, would abandon their neutrality and join a Balkan coalition against Turkey; and securing Dardanelles and Sea of Marmara would allow Russian ships again, to pass from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean, enabling munitions to be delivered to Russia and Russian grain to the western allies.(6)
    When he received the positive answer from the commander British naval squadron off the Dardanelles Admiral Sackville Carden, Churchill convinced the war council that it was the key to shortening the war, which was then in a static situation in France and going badly for Russia. Further, it would possibly forestall some of the Balkan states. Churchill’s brilliant rhetoric and imaginative presentation may have convinced his fellows in the War Council that heavy navy guns and big shells would pulverise the Turkish forts. London had decided to put Admiral Carden’s plan into operation. The plan, which has been termed the only truly innovative strategic concept of the entire war, met with approval from both politicians and military authorities; Kitchener’s approval was doubtless greatly influenced by the fact that few military resources were envisaged, and thus the afford on the Western Front would not be compromised. It was believed that the appearance of British Fleet off Istanbul might cause the downfall of the Turkish Government and as Turkey’s only two munitions factories were within range of naval gunfire, even a short bombardment could effectively remove Turkey from the war at a stroke. As the plan progressed, an increased number of British ships were allocated for the expedition, even the new HMS Queen Elizabeth, one of the most powerful ships in the British Navy. (7)
    One evening, after dinner Violet Asquit spoke with Lord Kitchener and told him that it was Churchill who would deserve the accolades of triumph. She said, “ If Dardanelles comes off Winston will deserve full and almost sole credit. He has shown such courage and consistency in taking the responsibility throughout all the vacillations of Admiral Fisher and others.” Lord Kitchener replied indignantly “ Not at all. I was always strongly in favour of this operation.” (8)

    REFERENCES:

    (1) David Fromkin: A Peace The End All Peace, p.65-66 (Avan Books, New York-1990)
    (2) D.Fromkin,p.74,75
    (3) D.Fromkin,p.74
    (4) Elizabeth Monroe: Britain Moments in The Middle East 1914-1956,p.27-28(London-1963)
    (5) Joseph Murray: Gallipoli As I Saw It,p.11 ( London-1965)
    (6) Philip J.Haythornthwhite: Gallipoli-1915, Frontal assault on Turkey,p.8-9 ( London-1991)
    (7) P.J.Haythornthwhite,p.9
    (8) David Fromkin,p.135-136

    Dr. M. Galip Baysan

  • Tsarni Retracts Apology to Armenians;   Breaks Promise to Rectify Earlier Claim

    Tsarni Retracts Apology to Armenians; Breaks Promise to Rectify Earlier Claim

     

    Sassunian -son resim

     

    Armenians woke up on April 30 to the breaking news: “Ruslan Tsarni Apologizes to Armenian Community,” as reported by Alin Grigorian, editor of the Armenian Mirror-Spectator of Watertown, Mass.

     

    Prior to this apology, Tsarni had been telling the international media that “an Armenian convert to Islam had brainwashed” his nephews — Tamerlan and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev — the Boston bombers. By linking an Armenian to such a heinous crime, Uncle Tsarni had infuriated Armenians who suspected dubious motives behind his outlandish claim.

     

    Armenians were naturally relieved upon learning that Tsarni had told the Mirror-Spectator: “Armenia has a very strong culture, therefore, I want to stress that his [Misha’s] ethnicity has nothing to do with it. I wish I had never said it. I felt for you [Armenians] and wish I had never done it.” He went on to apologize for linking the Armenian community “to this evil event.”

     

    While this apology was a good start, it was inadequate compared to the magnitude of the damage Tsarni had caused to the good name of Armenians worldwide. Merely apologizing to an Armenian newspaper could not undo that harm, unless he repeated it on CNN or other TV networks.

     

    I contacted Tsarni asking him if he would issue a similar apology on national television. He responded affirmatively since he regretted dragging the Armenian name into “this sad episode.” Tsarni stressed that he did not “speak about all Armenians, just one man of Armenian descent. I never had the intention of harming Armenians or anyone else. I feel sorry that the name of the Armenian people was used. I feel somehow guilty. I would like to apologize. No one likes to be brushed with an act like this.” Tsarni asked me to report that he felt terrible about mentioning Armenians in his TV interviews.

     

    Given his willingness to make a new public statement, I offered to assist him in drafting the text of an apology for a possible future network appearance. He first welcomed the idea, but later informed me that he would neither accept my suggestion nor issue his own statement, claiming that his earlier remarks were accurate, since Misha was of Armenian descent, overlooking the fact that Misha Allakhverdov, born in Azerbaijan, was of mixed Armenian and Ukrainian parentage. Tsarni further advised that he never meant to refer to “the entire [Armenian] ethnicity. It was a simple technical characteristic of the person whose name I did not know at the time. Had I known his name was Misha, he would be Misha, not an Armenian or anyone else.” He justified the use of the phrase ‘a new convert to Islam of Armenian descent,’ by claiming that his intent was “to help the media, reporters, and law enforcement agencies to locate that person.” He, therefore, decided not to issue an apology on television, as he had promised.

     

    Furthermore, he disputed Mirror-Spectator’s report of his apology, by claiming that he was “misquoted.” He asserted: “I never said, ‘I wish I never said it.’ I said that I had no intention to have the name of Armenians used in association with the bombing. I spoke about the certain individual who I was told about and that information was confirmed as true information.” Despite Tsarny’s belated denial, the Mirror-Spectator stands by its story and I have no reason to doubt the accuracy of its report!

     

    I reminded Tsarni of his unfulfilled commitment to appear on national TV and set the record straight on his allegation about ‘the Armenian’ Misha. He has yet to respond, as he has been busy making funeral arrangements for his nephew, Tamerlan.

     

    There are many unanswered questions about Tsarni. Although the internet is replete with all sorts of allegations about his background, we prefer to concentrate on questions of more immediate interest to the Armenian community:

     

    — Why did Tsarni apologize to the Armenian Mirror-Spectator and then turn around and claim that he was misquoted? Could it be that he had felt sorry for his earlier statements to the media, and then backtracked after being advised by ‘unknown interests’ that he should not apologize to the Armenians?

     

    — Why did he make a personal commitment to me to appear on major TV networks to apologize for maligning Armenians, and then refuse to do so?

     

    With these unanswered questions, one can only wonder about Uncle Tsarni’s mysterious motives and enigmatic connections.