Category: Authors

  • The Battle of Çanakkale

    The Battle of Çanakkale

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    In the time of Canakkale war, many high schools couldn’t find a single student for education. but they graduated from Canakkale and they live in our hearts and will live on.

    Actually, the Çanakkale war was the beginning of the Turkish independence war and we fought against the strongest states in the world and it wasn’t only the Turkish history that changed but also the world’s history changed too.

    18 March 1915 was the most important date in the war because the British and French battle ships couldn’t pass through the Bosporus of Çanakkale and they lost the most important battle ships in this day and they understood that the passing of the Bosporus of Çanakkale was impossible.

    In 25 April 1915 they started the war on land. Turkish troops who were ordered by Mustafa Kemal stopped the occupation forces at the Conk slope, whereby his famous order is ” I don’t order you to the battle, I order you to the death” Why he ordered this? Because, we lost all good fighters and we didn’t have enough weapon for the fight. Our soldiers were generally teenager volunteers from school and older people and their weapons weren’t enough but they fought and stopped the occupation forces.

    This victory was the awakening of our nation again. Çanakkale is the re-borning of one nation again in the history. The Turkish independence war was started in Çanakkale with this spirit of struggle.

  • RECEP DECEIT ERDOĞAN

    RECEP DECEIT ERDOĞAN

    RECEP DECEIT ERDOĞAN

    15 March 2014

    The ides of March, beware the ides of March!

    Whence is that knocking?
    How is’t with me, when every noise appalls me?
    What hands are here? ha! they pluck out mine eyes.
    Will all great Neptune’s ocean wash this blood
    Clean from my hand? No, this my hand will rather
    The multitudinous seas incarnadine,

    Making the green one red.

     MACBETH, William Shakespeare

    In your repetition, in your ranting, you bore me immensely and to tears.
    Yet in your supernatural excess, you never fail to astonish.
    Now a hunted man, who curses stars for giving light to darkness,
    you cannot control your rotting tongue.
    There must surely be some divine disgust coming.
    You should be pitied, such an inhuman piece of wreckage.
    But in your deceit you transcend pity.
    The condition of your end surpasses words, except perhaps one–
    UNSPEAKABLE

    Nine months ago you murdered a fifteen year-old boy.
    It took Berkin Elvan nine months to be born.
    And nine months to die by your hand.
    Nine months in a coma, tubed and hosed, draining away in a hospital.
    A hospital where, the day he died, you gassed and beat his mourners.
    And that night, you gassed and beat his mourners all over the nation.
    And that night I wrote about rage and outrage.
    “HEY YOU!” I shouted… “HEY ERDOĞAN!”

    That night I asked you, “Tomorrow, will you attack the boy’s corpse?”
    I felt so strange asking that question. Who would do such blasphemy?
    But true to your deceitful form, you would.
    And did.
    And without qualms, so cool, so cold, so devastating your style.
    Every religion, one way or another says, never speak ill of the dead.
    But you…unspeakable you…What in hell is your religion?
    And the next day you continued to defile the boy’s corpse.
    You went to Siirt.

    Your wife’s hometown.
    And how courageous you were imitating the home-grown liar and thief Jet Fadil whose parliamentary seat you occupy in historically perfect irony.

    Imposter! Charlatan! Infidel!

    The boy was a “terrorist, you yelled to your mob of bootlickers in the plaza at Siirt.
    Clap-clap-clap went your mob.
    He was carrying a slingshot, steel marbles and wearing a scarf, you lied.
    Clap-clap-clap went your mob.

    Yes,true to your form, you lied.
    The picture was photoshopped by one of your corrupt cops.
    Everyone knows this.
    Everyone except your Allah-dazzled mobs.
    Clap-clappity-clap went your bedazzled bootlickers.
    Clap-clappity-clap…

    Then you insulted the boy’s mother.
    “I couldn’t understand why you threw steel marbles and carnations into your son’s grave,” you yelled.
    Booooooooo! yelled your mob in avid, oblivious agreement. Booooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo!

    Who? What? When? Where? Why? …..
    I mean words fail…a head of state talking such abominable trash, such profanity…
    Booing a dead child’s mother?
    Your mob, your perverted followers.
    Your mobs in plazas where no light ever shines. YOUR “people.”
    BOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO!
    YUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUH!

    What idiot advises you to say and do such things?
    The guy with the pig-greased hair?
    That peddler of slime and subterfuge?
    The one who is ready to die for you?
    Hadi!
    Go!
    Die!
    Lead by example!
    Do the right thing!

    Or do you advise yourself?

    Or was it Egemen Bağış, your thieving ex-minister?
    The pervert who called Berkin’s mourners “necrophiles.”

    Or was it Mehmet Ali Şahin, Turkey’s greatest verbal defecator.
    In Ergenekon, as he had so vividly explained,
    Turkey is defecating. Turkey will continue cleansing its intestines.”
    About Berkin, he was even less sensitive.
    If Berkin had died after the election, he blathered, the funeral crowd would not have been so large.

    And for all this, and for so much more, you will all soon go forever.

    The door is knocking.
    Can you hear it?
    Your advisors won’t tell.
    Only the knock tells.
    The knock that appalls.
    A knock, and you disappear.
    Somewhere, beyond the sun, beyond the touch of humanity,
    Beyond the light. Beyond thought.
    And all that remains, all those “things” of yours,
    will be razed, destroyed, plowed over.
    And the land will be calm.
    And your hands?
    Your bloody, thieving, deceiving, murderous hands?
    They too will be food for worms.

    Listen well, for it has already been written:

    Your worm is your only emperor for diet.
    We fat all creatures else to fat us, and 
    we fat ourselves for maggots. 


    HAMLET, William Shakespeare

     

    James (Cem) Ryan
    Istanbul
    15 March 2014

    yigit bulut   bagis   sahin

  • Mystery of Mihrap Painting

    Mystery of Mihrap Painting

    Osman Hamdi Bey (1842 – 24 February 1910) was an Ottoman statesman, intellectual, art expert and also a prominent and pioneering Turkish painter.

    Mihrap is Osman Hamdi’s famous painting since the original painting is lost. Nobody knows where .

    Mihrap is the place in mosques where the Imam lead muslim when they perform namaz pray.

    Osman_hamdi_bey_mihrap

    Osman Hamdi Bey has always represented the Orient in a more dignified, respectful, accurate, and personal way, resulting in a major difference with his western counterparts, whose art sought to create an exotic, erotic, violent and timeless representation of the East.

    Famous Mihrab, depicting a woman sitting rather stiffly in a bright yellow décolleté dress on a Koran lectern, her back to a highly ornate tiled mihrab . At her feet, a dozen large books, all manuscripts, lay strewn on the floor, while a thin smoke rises from a gilt brass incense burner. This is, no doubt, one of Osman Hamdi Bey’s most enigmatic paintings, which has provoked a number of speculative interpretations about its possible meaning(s). Interestingly, however, Wendy Shaw’s ( Bern University-Germany-Art History Faculty member)  take on this work

    is specifically geared towards her concerns: museums, heritage, and nation building.

    Obviously Shaw has a very specific reading of the painting: what counted most were the artifacts and the setting as illustrations of the painter’s concern with heritage, and the sublimation of a female image as a symbol of secularism and as a national metaphor. For most other interpreters of this image, the emphasis was much more specifically on the blasphemous and “feminist” message the painting conveyed. Holy books thrown all over the floor, trampled by a woman in a bright yellow décolleté dress, sitting on the very stand that should be de

    voted to holding the Quran, and turning her back to a prayer niche: it is probably difficult to imagine a more offensive way of attacking the very foundations of Islamic tradition in the name of promoting female independence and autonomy.

    The artist was 59 years old when he completed this work and his wife Naile Hanım was 45 years old. The work, dated 1901, is in a way greeting the 20th century, where “the importance of women” increased enormously. The woman in the picture is quite young and this makes us assume that Osman Hamdi might have used an old picture while drawing the figure. The single candlestick and its huge candle makes the viewer think about Freudian sexual interpretations and in the foreground the incense box scattering fumes symbolizes the opposite pole of spiritualism. The artist seeking the “secret of life” in books in many of his works now seems to have decided that the thing that gives meaning to life are “women and what they symbolize”… The dark stain of the altar’s niche continues with the dark tones of the volumes at the bottom and of the carpet, then the orange/yellow dress of the woman shows her pink-white flesh, the white stain of a single candle on the left and the different shades of white in the open pages of the books balance each other.

    Perhaps a good way to start would be to look back at what Osman Hamdi’s biographer cum hagiographer, Mustafa Cezar, had to say about this particular painting:
    It seems that with this interesting painting, the most meaningful and intriguing of all his works, Osman Hamdi Bey, by placing a young woman in the midst of objects of great value to mankind, wanted to symbolize the privileged status of love and affection. As to the incense burner and its smoke, they indicate the warmth of these feelings and by pointing in their direction they give greater clarity to the painting’s meaning.

    Apart from having been treated with a rather bold symbolism for its time, this painting reveals the artist’s tolerant attitude toward religious matters; however we have not been able to determine what name Hamdi Bey had given it. All we have been able to discover, thanks to one of his grandsons, Cemal Bark,16 is that the model who sat for this painting was the daughter of an Armenian housemaid.

    This painting, which tries to explain the most powerful feeling shared by all mankind, and, from the perspective of men, the place of women in the world of the sublime at the center of these feelings, we have chosen to name Mihrab.

    In doing so, we have taken into consideration the fact that mihrab means “the eyebrows of the beloved” and “the abode of hope,” but our readers will perhaps find a more appropriate name for it.

    Cezar’s commentary on the painting may not be of great clarity or quality, but the reference to its christening by the author is a precious admission of how these things were done, down to the bewildering suggestion that someone else might come up with a better name and replace the former one. It appears, then, that the entire art historical community has been content with (in most cases, probably unwittingly) taking for granted a name that was coined in the early 1970s by one of their colleagues. Cezar may have truly had difficulty accessing the sources that would have revealed the “real” name of the painting, but that is no longer the case today. The most basic research will soon reveal that this painting was exhibited for the first time in London, in May 1903, at the Royal Academy Exhibition under entry number 135. Its name had nothing to do with the tiled mihrab in the background: the painting was called La Genèse, in French, or in other words Genesis.18 This, I think, puts an end to the speculation surrounding the question of whether the woman depicted in this painting was pregnant or not. Nor is Genesis the kind of name that might have been imposed by the organizers or anybody other than Osman Hamdi Bey himself; it is clear, then, that his intention was to organize the whole scene around the central character of a young pregnant woman.

    Who could that woman have been? The idea that he would have ‘retrospectively’ painted his wife’s latest pregnancy, almost ten years earlier, is not very convincing; and it is all the less so when one considers that the woman bears little, if any, resemblance with his wife Marie/Naile. The suggestion that he might have painted the maid’s daughter is tempting, if only because it is reported by a family member, albeit born ten years after the painting. Yet, then again, this does not look like a common practice for a painter who is known to have almost exclusively used himself and family members as models. It seems, therefore, that one should look a little bit closer at Osman Hamdi’s close relatives, in the hope of finding a young (and preferably pregnant) woman who might fit the role. Indeed, there is one very good candidate: his own daughter, Leyla, born in or around 1880, and who would give birth to her first child, a little girl by the name of Nimet, on 1 May, 1902. It is more than likely, then, that the young woman in a bright yellow dress with a slight potbelly was no other than his daughter, whom he had chosen to glorify in a highly symbolic painting.

    Interestingly, however, and despite our present-day conviction that the painting was of a shocking and revolutionary nature, contemporaries seem to have been much less impressed. The Academy Notes had not much to say, except for a very descriptive comment of the scene depicted:

    In yellow-lemon Oriental robe, sitting upright in an x-shaped seat on a dais. Behind her is a blue tiled Cairene wall-background; a censer and a number of Arabic books are scattered at the feet.19

    Surprisingly, every detail was mentioned, but there seemed to be absolutely no consciousness of the possible implications of the setting and props: the robe, generally considered to be western by Turkish scholars, was labeled as Oriental; the Quran stand had become an x-shaped seat, the mihrab a “blue tiled Cairene wall,” and the books were simply qualified as “Arabic.” Apparently even less impressed, and probably inspired by the woman’s rather stiff posture, Punch also took notice of the painting, calling it “the Genesis of Aunt Sally,” with reference to the target doll in a pub throwing game.20

    Was the British public too blasé to pay attention to the implications of this image? Were they just oblivious of the meanings we now ascribe to the many symbols it put forward? Or was the painting just not powerful enough to attract the attention of viewers in the midst of hundreds of other works of art? There may be some truth to all of the above, but we do know of at least one comment that did consider the painting to be “startling.” The problem, however, is that the astonishment was due to rather different reasons, and had to be contextualized within the larger framework of a comparison between western and eastern art. What triggered this comment was the “lifelessness” and “lack of emotion” displayed by the otherwise skilled “Monsieur Lybaert, of Ghent,” another artist at the exhibition.21 That was when Osman Hamdi’s Genesis came in, almost as the antithesis of the Belgian artist’s work.

    Compare with this the startling “Genèse” of the Turkish painter, Osman Hamdy Bey, of Constantinople—a surprising work to come from a Turk, and still more surprising as a picture accepted by the Academy. A woman of some depravity of air, clad in violent yellow, sits high against a powerful blue-tiled background, and around her is strewn a number of Persian books flung, half destroyed, upon the ground. But after a moment’s contemplation the shock suffered by the spectator appears to pass away, and we are enabled to appreciate the skill displayed in the qualities of tones within the violence of tint. How colourless must our Western tints appear to M. Hamdy’s Eastern sun-tried eyes! Even Mr. MacBeth’s vigorous “Pirate’s Wife,” virile in colour and handling, yet instinctively refined and artistic in arrangement, may strike as tame the painter of the Orient; and the “Flower of Wifely Patience,” the graceful Grissel, or Mr. Joy, with its graceful lines and delicate flesh, must appear a vision of another and a sadly weakly world.22
    The surprise did not come from the subject treated, and none of the religious references seemed to have been perceived by the critic. Instead, the shock was due to the woman’s “depravity” and, most of all, to the violence of the colors and contrasts, which were attributed to an Oriental taste, the rawness of which was thought to be particularly appealing to a western audience tired of the blandness of its own art. Three years later, when Osman Hamdi was proposed — together with

    Auguste Rodin — as a possible foreign member of the Academy, he was remembered as “Osmond (sic) Hamdy, the Turk, whose strange ‘La Genèse’ was on the line in Gallery III, at the 1903 Academy.”23

    Interestingly, there seems to be a certain consistency in the way Osman Hamdi’s paintings were received in the West. Generally speaking, there was always a more or less explicit emphasis on the fact that he was a “Turk,” i.e. a Muslim, and therefore someone whose inclination and talent should be considered with a blend of curiosity and admiration. When it came to the artistic nature of his work, however, most of the critics agreed on the importance of the combined effect of color, detail, and a form of knowledge that was assumed to be inherent to his identity as an Oriental. This is what comes out of the Genesis commentary, and will be followed by similar arguments in practically every one of the rare reviews he got for his later paintings.

    PS : Source: Edhem Eldem,Bosphorus University, Istanbul ” Osman Hamdi Bey’s Genesis”

    Cezar 1971, 324. 18 The Academy Notes 1903, 15; “The Royal Academy” 1903; Graves 1905, 364.

    The Academy Notes 1903, 15. 20 Lemon et al. 1903, 322.

    Théophile Lybaert (1848-1927) had exhibited a painting named Life’s Frailty (Graves 1905 5: 119. 22 “The Royal Academy,” 1903.

    /

  • Shifting Inter-Relationships Between Armenia and Diaspora

    Shifting Inter-Relationships Between Armenia and Diaspora


     
    The Diaspora Ministry of the Republic of Armenia invited a small group of scholars and analysts to Yerevan last December to discuss the Diaspora’s changing role in relation to the homeland. The participants in the “Changing Diaspora in an Ever-changing World” roundtable had come from Argentina, Armenia, Germany, Lebanon, Russia, Ukraine, and the United States.
     
    The discussion centered on the formation of the Diaspora, current challenges, Armenia-Diaspora collaboration, improved links for closer cooperation between Armenia and Diaspora, and the quest for new working mechanisms and perspectives.
     
    Here are excerpts from my presentation at the meeting:
     
    The Diaspora encountered a completely new set of circumstances after Armenia’s independence. The sudden realization of the long-cherished dream of free Armenia caught many Diasporans by surprise. New words appeared in their vocabulary: Artsakh (Karabagh), earthquake, blockade, protocol, opposition, coalition government, regime change.
     
    Most Diasporans had a hard time distinguishing between the actions of an individual, group or organization and the rights and obligations of a state. At the same time, Armenia’s new leaders could not fully comprehend the patriotic sentiments, wishes and desires of Diasporan Armenians, causing a disconcerting rift between the two sides.
     
    Complicating matters, the Diaspora is not a monolithic group, but is composed of distinct subsets, having taken shape at different times in foreign lands under various cultural and linguistic influences.
     
    When asked by journalists in Armenia about Diaspora’s views on a particular issue, I have difficulty answering such a question. How can anyone encapsulate the diverse views of seven million Diasporans? To reflect the opinion of the majority of the Diaspora, one would need to form a pan-Armenian body, either by expanding the Hayastan All-Armenian Fund’s functions beyond fundraising or creating a brand new structure that would represent Armenians worldwide, except those in Armenia and Artsakh, based on the principle of ‘one man, one vote.’ The elected representatives would have the right to speak in the name of all Diaspora Armenians and meet periodically with the leadership of Armenia and Artsakh to consult and coordinate their priorities on pan-Armenian issues.
     
    Leaders of all three wings of the Armenian nation (Armenia, Artsakh and the Diaspora) can then discuss their respective positions, and agree on the role each would play. Such a division of labor is preferable over unending internal feuds and conflicts that sometimes take place, as was the case during the signing of the Armenia-Turkey Protocols.
     
    It is incumbent upon Armenia’s leadership to be more sensitive on issues that are important for Diaspora Armenians and consult with them before taking final decisions.
     
    Understandably, Armenia’s leaders are not obliged to take orders from anyone outside the country’s borders. While having the final say over all matters, they nevertheless have the moral duty and obligation to consider the views of key Diasporan organizations, in the absence of a Diaspora-wide elected body. In any case, Armenia’s authorities are responsible before the nation for their actions. They are praised when taking the right decisions and criticized when they do not.
     
    It must be stated that an elective Diaspora-wide structure, no matter how difficult to establish, would be far more inclusive and representative than appointed leaders — despite their devoted efforts — who merely represent their respective members. It is imperative to include large segments of our people in all activities, so that we become more effective in our endeavors, particularly at a time when Azerbaijan and Turkey are organizing their Diasporas and spending tens of millions of dollars to undermine our just demands on the eve of the Genocide Centennial.
     
    As we often state: “Azerbaijan has oil, Georgia has a sea, and Armenia has a Diaspora!” However, a disorganized and dwindling Diaspora would be of little value for our national cause. It can neither preserve itself nor be of any assistance to the homeland.
     
    We must do everything possible to have a powerful homeland and a strong Diaspora. The survival of each is dependent on the vitality of the other. Despite the valiant efforts of the Diaspora Ministry, we must realize that the magnitude of what needs to be done is so enormous that it exceeds the capabilities of any one ministry. There is a clear need for the concerted efforts of Armenia’s entire leadership to make Diaspora Armenians feel welcome and at home!
  • THE SICK JOKE

    THE SICK JOKE

    “Hegel observes somewhere that all great incidents and individuals of world history occur, as it were, twice.  He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second as farce.”

    Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1851)

    harpogrpucho chico

     

    Oh fabulous farce, the art of the improbable, the exaggerated, the ludicrous, the bizarre, the brazen and often the stupid, the essence of what Turks once called democracy, a word they dare not now pronounce. Still, aren’t we all so lucky to be living in Turkey? Sure we are. Turkey, the land of politicians that plunder while they pray, ludicrously lie without blushing and murder and maim the nation’s youth. Turkey, once brimming with hope, now the land of hopelessness. Still…aren’t we happy, happy, happy? Of course we are. Therefore aren’t we stupid? Of course we…. next question, please.

    Forget your troubles! Get happy! Allah, Yahweh and Jesus all love you! Why the other night the commanding general of the world’s largest, best trained and best armed terrorist group was released from jail. He was lucky. Hundreds of his fellow officers, jailed years before him, are still inside. Strange isn’t to have a nation’s army called a terrorist group? Who would dare call it so? The name, their name, is treason. Their names are the names of founders of the ruling religious fascist party. Meet Abdullah Gül, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Bülent Arınç, the three stars of that fast fading, soon to close farce called Ergenekon. And this dynamic trio, this merry band, the Harpo Marx, Groucho Marx and Chico Marx of their shameless Turkish times, they cooked up this entire treacherous deal. Really, these guys are too much, a real riot of laughs. So get this, after the general was released, all three sent him congratulations messages. So funny they are… HA-HA-HA. They couldn’t be any funnier if they had hit him in the face with cream pies. These three comics canned the general for 26 months and then they celebrate his release. HA-HA-HA! Then they sent for the real clown and in comes the major opposition party leader to join in the celebration. HA-HA-HA!  Too much, wouldn’t you agree? Don’t you love farce?

    Well, Ergenekon has been legally stinking for years. It’s all based on fabricated evidence and secret, false witnesses. Who wrote this joke? Well start with the CIA and assorted traitorous dopes in Turkey. Who produced it? Harpo, Groucho and Chico, with a supporting cast of sold-out journalists, police, prosecutors and judges. Who’s the evil genius? Every farce needs an evil genius. Why he’s an old friend of Harpo, Groucho, and Chico. His name? Feto. Who’s he? He’s an under-educated imam who peddles a line of religious snake-oil blather that appeals to people who are too busy to read and think. But not too busy to be sneaky, violent and suborn treason. He has a big following in Turkey. He makes loads of money so bankrolling the Ergenekon farce was not even a slight problem. And, of course, to further darken the melodrama enter the CIA. Color me green as in a green card for Feto. Color me green as in an Islamic green tie for Groucho. Color me green as in massive bribes and kickbacks and secret bank accounts in the Alps. So far, so bad. Yes, Uncle Feto has been very good to these destroyers of Turkey. And he has been true to his word. He promised to destroy democracy years ago before he escaped into the welcoming arms of the CIA in America, Pennsylvania to be precise. But now pity poor Feto. His old subversive comrades have turned on him. It seems they need a patsy, like Lee Harvey Oswald was fifty years ago. Why? Well, it seems that Groucho and his bit-player ministers and assorted cronies have been stealing everything. Hoses are everywhere sucking, sucking, sucking. Their houses are collapsing from the zillions of shoeboxes stuffed with dollars and euros and whatever else flies in. So Groucho needs a cover, something to take him from being a pious thief to a savior of the nation. Hmmm….

    So what does he do? He blames Feto for the whole disaster. The new game is called Fingering Feto. And that’s why the Turkish Marx brothers, now little angels, are congratulating the general. I wonder if they will send congratulations to all the hundreds of soon-to-be-released prisoners whose lives they have stolen? Do they really think that the Turkish people will believe that they are clean, that they too have been made patsies by the patsy, Feto? Remember, farces are brazen and bizarre.

    Groucho says he’s saving the nation from Feto’s horrible assault on privacy and the military and everything else. Groucho is, as usual, lying, since he said he was the lead prosecutor in all these cases. Farces are ludicrous too. And so the leading opposition has made an alliance of sorts with Feto. The result? Voters in the coming election can vote for the treasonous ruling party or the treasonous major opposition party. This is pretty funny isn’t it? HA-HA-HA.

    Or is this the stupid part? HA-HA-HA!

    James (Cem) Ryan
    Istanbul
    8 March 2014

    Brightening Glance, 

     

    The General Leaves Jail

     

  • The demise of Turkish democracy

    The demise of Turkish democracy

    Events in Turkey since Dec. 17, 2013, are not a mere bump in the road but constitute a major setback for Turkish democracy.

     

    A total of 84 American foreign policy experts have written a bipartisan letter to US President Barack Obama, expressing concern that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s autocratic actions and demagoguery are not only subverting Turkey’s political institutions and values but also endangering the US-Turkey relationship.

     

    The European Parliament (EP) has also expressed deep concern at recent developments, and Enlargement Commissioner Stefan Füle’s spokesperson, Peter Stano, has stated that the European Commission’s (EC) assessment will be reflected in their next report after the summer. Moreover, Liberal MEP Andrew Duff has said that the European Union is now closer to the point of suspending talks.

     

    The US State Department noted in its Human Rights Report for 2013 that the Turkish government’s reactions to the anti-corruption investigation launched on Dec. 17 have been aimed more at discrediting and stifling the investigation than conducting an impartial enquiry.

     

    This, no doubt, hangs together with the fact that many suspects are connected with the top echelon of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government but also because the latest revelations target Prime Minister Erdoğan and his family.

     

    The 24 suspects, including the sons of two ministers, the general manager of a state bank and an Iranian businessman, who were arrested in connection with the first round of investigations, have now been released, and the Iranian businessman’s assets have been unfrozen. The same has happened to the assets of seven businessmen who would have been detained in the second investigation on Dec. 25, 2013, if it had not been blocked.

    This lenient treatment is a marked contrast to the lengthy periods of pre-trial detention experienced by other suspects; for example, journalist Mustafa Balbay, who sat in prison for four years before being sentenced to almost 35 years’ imprisonment in the Ergenekon case, or another journalist, Tuncay Özkan, who was detained for almost five years before receiving an aggravated life sentence (22 years and six months) in the same case.

     

    Crackdown on Gülen movement

     

    According to a presentation made at a meeting of the National Security Council (MGK) on Feb. 26 of this year, a third of the police force and judiciary are made up of followers of Prime Minister Erdoğan’s erstwhile ally, the Turkish imam Fethullah Gülen, who has lived in Pennsylvania since 1999. Higher up the scale, at the level of police chief, the Council of State, the Court of Appeals and the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK), it is believed to be about two-thirds.

     

    At the meeting, which was chaired by President Abdullah Gül, it was decided to cleanse the state of what Erdoğan has called “a virus” held responsible for extensive wiretapping that has revealed to Turkey and the rest of the world a network of corruption, bribery, tender-rigging and media interference at the heart of the country’s government.

     

    Previously, some 7,500 police officers and 400 prosecutors have been reassigned, effectively putting an end not only to the first two investigations but also a third in İzmir, involving former Minister for Transport and Communications, Binali Yıldırım, who is running for mayor in the local elections on March 30.

     

    Recordings

     

    Nevertheless, a tweeter called Haramzadeler (“sons of thieves”) has created havoc in Turkey, where there are believed to be 13 million Twitter subscribers. His (their) tweets send links to various websites, for example, YouTube, Vimeo, SoundCloud and Dropbox, where you can hear recordings supposedly of the prime minister giving instructions to media bosses, accepting two villas in return for easing zone restrictions and the involvement of Communications Minister Yıldırım in rigging a tender for a media group.

     

    The great granddaddy of them all came on Feb. 24, when Haramzadeler posted an alleged recording of five phone calls made between Prime Minister Erdoğan and his son Bilal on Dec. 17 (when the graft probe was launched) and Dec. 18, 2013. In the first two recordings, Erdoğan tells Bilal to remove and “dissolve” all the cash he has in the house, and in the fourth Bilal admits they still have 30 million euros they could not yet dissolve. Like a scene from “Breaking Bad,” Bilal complains how hard it is because it takes up too much space. Finally, the next morning Bilal reassures his father it is all “zeroed.”

     

    The prime minister immediately condemned the recordings as “a vile attack” and “an immoral montage.” The pro-government media have claimed that the recordings were doctored, and Islamist TV channel Kanal 7 said that two American audio studios had proved they were edited. However, this has been denied by both firms, one of which stated that Kanal 7’s claim was “an obvious attempt at deception.”

     

    Various specialists have confirmed that the recordings are genuine, and Guarded Risk, a US data security and forensic consultant, has in a preliminary audio forensic report concluded that although there are multiple recordings placed in one mp3 file, they cannot be proven false. Erdoğan has admitted that his encrypted phones were tapped, which makes it likely that the leaked wiretaps come from files compiled by prosecutors dismissed in the Great Purge.

     

    Haramzadeler, joined by another tweeter called Başçalan (“chief thief”), has since come out with other revelations, including donations to the Youth and Education Services Foundation (TÜRGEV), where Bilal Erdoğan is an executive board member, which allegedly acts as a slush fund for “donations” by businessmen in return for public tenders, and also an attempt by Erdoğan to have his candidate elected as chairman of a football club.

     

    Incidentally, Prime Minister Erdoğan has a curious definition of corruption. In his view, corruption means the embezzlement of public funds, which means that the allegations against his former ministers and the general manager of Halkbank are unfounded. Accordingly, the $4.5 million found in shoeboxes at the latter’s home was “charity money” and therefore should be returned.

     

    This no doubt hangs together with the views of Erdoğan’s Islamic counsel, professor emeritus of Islamic law Hayrettin Karaman, who advises that there is no problem in encouraging people who win contracts from the state to make donations to charitable foundations, for example, TÜRGEV.

     

    New legislation

     

    Particularly in view of the local elections at the end of this month, which will act as a benchmark for the AKP government’s performance, the Turkish government is making a frantic effort to plug all the leaks. Apart from the mass reassignment of police officers and prosecutors, the first step has been amendments to the Internet law, which Dr. Yaman Akdeniz, a cyber rights expert, has called “an Orwellian nightmare” and “the first steps towards the creation of surveillance society in Turkey.”

     

    Around 40,000 websites have already been blocked in Turkey, and the amended law, ostensibly to protect young people and prevent the violation of privacy, can lead to many more. President Gül, who had earlier deplored the decline of media freedom in Turkey, approved the new law but sent it back to Parliament to make two amendments: A decision by the Telecommunications Board (TİB) to block a website is now subject to court review within 24 hours, and a court order will be necessary to obtain Internet traffic data.

     

    Another piece of legislation that has caused an outcry is the new law to restructure the HSYK. According to the law, which has been signed by President Gül, the Minister of Justice has the authority to reshape the composition of all three chambers and the Justice Academy. Although the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) has filed an appeal with the Constitutional Court, new Justice Minister Bekir Bozdağ, who is regarded as an Erdoğan stooge, has already appointed a new secretary-general and five of his deputies as well as members of the disciplinary board and a new head of the Justice Academy.

     

    Another controversial aspect of the new law is that even if it is annulled by the Constitutional Court, HSYK members who have been removed from their positions will have no right to appeal to a court to demand the reinstatement of their jobs, as a number of police officers have done. There is also a provision that judges and prosecutors are required to have 20 years’ experience to be members of the board, a move intended to preclude supporters of the Gülen movement.

     

    President Gül has been heavily criticized for not vetoing the law, as he himself has said it violates 15 articles of the Constitution, including Article 159, which states that the HSYK shall be established and shall exercise its functions in accordance with the principles of the independence of the courts. These principles have now been violated, and as deputy chairman of the CHP Faruk Loğoğlu has remarked, now the minister of justice has become chief qadi in a process transforming Turkey into a sultanate.

     

    A new bill giving extensive powers to the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) and, in effect, making it Erdoğan’s Praetorian Guard, has been postponed until after the local elections.

     

    The economy

     

    In the meantime, Turkey’s economy continues to suffer. In January, the president of the Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen’s Association (TÜSIAD), Muharrem Yılmaz, warned: “A country where the rule of law is ignored, where the independence of regulatory institutions is tainted, where companies are pressured through tax penalties and other punishments, where rules on tenders are changed regularly, is not a fit country for foreign capital.”

     

    The truest word spoken in Brussels on the occasion of Prime Minister Erdoğan’s visit, also in January, came from the EU Commission’s president, José Manuel Barroso, when he stated that 75 percent of the investment in Turkey comes from the EU. It is only when foreign investors start to vote with their feet that the Turkish government will sit up and take notice.

     

    Robert Ellis is a regular commentator on Turkish affairs in the Danish and international press.