Author: Aylin D. Miller

  • Workshop on Armenian and Turkish Scholarship

    Workshop on Armenian and Turkish Scholarship

    From the Foundational Crime to the Making of a New State (and Nation): The End of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Turkish Republic

    turkiye

    Attend in person or on Zoom at https://myumi.ch/967mE

    To mark the centennial year of the founding of the Turkish republic, WATS (the Workshop on Armenian and Turkish Scholarship) has decided to organize an eleventh workshop at the University of Michigan in the fall of 2023 under the auspices of the Center for Armenian Studies.

    Marking the centenary of the founding of the Republic of Turkey, our conference aims to bring a critical perspective on the process of making states that involved ethnic cleansing or genocide. Few modern states are free of dark histories of exclusion, forced assimilation, or more sanguinary solutions to the remnants of imperial diversity. Investigating states that were founded on dispossession of indigenous peoples, we examine the Turkish past and the histories of the United States, Israel, and Australia, among others. Turkey is not unique, but its achievement in ridding Anatolia of Armenians and Assyrians, like the removal of Native Americans from continental United States, was admired by and positively referred to by Adolph Hitler as he planned his own genocidal policies in the lands to the east of Germany.

    Our conference examines the ideological and strategic choices made by Ottoman and Turkish nationalist leaders as they attempted to “modernize” their states through coercive demographic policies and the deployment of violence, which became enshrined as part of the repertoire of governance in the Kemalist state. Having eliminated the bulk of Christians, the heirs of the Ottomans repressed their former allies, the Kurds, turning what they conceived as a homogeneous ethnic nation-state into a mini-imperial state colonizing its non-Turkish subjects.

    Just as the controversial 1619 Project in the United States has contested the origins of the American republic by seeking its beginnings with the first importation of African slaves, rather than the revolutionary events of 1776, so shall this workshop explore the formative events and processes from the initiation of systemic reforms in the Ottoman Empire in 1789, through the Tanzimat reforms of 1839 and 1876, the coup d’état of 1908 and the Armenian Genocide of 1915-1916, to the 1918 fall of the empire, the 1919-1922 rise of the Kemalist nationalist movement, and the 1923 founding of the Republic of Turkey.

    – SCHEDULE OF EVENTS
    -Friday, November 10, 20239:30 Introduction: Gottfried Hagen, Fatma Müge Göcek, Ronald Grigor Suny10:00-12:00 Session I: From Reform to Revolution
    Chair and Discussant: Melanie Tanielian (University of Michigan).Fatma Müge Göçek (University of Michigan) and Murat Özyüksel (University of British Columbia) Origins of the Republic of Turkey: Unionists and Local Congresses, 1918-1920Keith Watenpaugh (University of California, Davis) – Kill the Armenian/Indian; Save the Turk/Man: Carceral Humanitarianism, the Transfer of Children and a Comparative History of Indigenous GenocideArmen Manuk-Khaloyan (Georgetown University) – Intriguing Opportunities: International Finance, Great Power Diplomacy, and the Armenian National Banks Saga, 1912–1914Umit Kurt (University of Newcastle, Australia) – Republic of Perpetrators: Talat Pasha’s Genocide Technocrat Mustafa Reşat Mimaroğlu2:00-4:00 Session II: Revolution, War, Genocide and Their Afterlives
    Chair and Discussant: Ronald Grigor Suny (University of Michigan)Merisa Şahin (University of Michigan) –  The Early Young Turks and International Law: Carving an Ottoman CosmopolitanismSamuel Dolbee (Vanderbilt University) – Germs of Nationalism and Intercommunal Microbes in the Late Ottoman EmpireSahika Karatepe (State University of New York, Binghamton) – Gendered Labor History of the Armenian Genocide: Slave Labor, Social Reproduction and Sexual Violence in the Late Ottoman EmpireMehmet Polatel (Hrant Dink Foundation) – Restitution Under Occupation: Property Disputes in the Post-War Ottoman EmpireSaturday, November 11, 202310:00-12:00 Session III: The Fate of a Nascent Civil Society
    Chair and Discussant: Gottfried Hagen (University of Michigan)Heghnar Watenpaugh (University of California, Davis) –  Captive Sites and Survivor Objects: Theorizing the Cultural Heritage of Armenians in and out of TurkeyCeren Verbowski (York University) – Ernst Diez as an “Enemy of the Turks”: A Historical Debate on the Purity of Turkish Art in the Face of Armenian and Byzantine RemainsAram Ghoogasian (Princeton University) – Swords and Pens: Forging a Turkish CanonElif Shannon-Chastain (University of California, Irvine) – The Mother of the Turkish Theater: Knar Svajian and the Transformation and: Turkification of the Ottoman-Armenian Theater, 1908-19262:00-4:00 Session IV: Occupation, War of Liberation, and the Establishment of Violence as a Tool of Rule
    Chair and Discussant: Hakem Al-Rustom (University of Michigan).David Gaunt (Södertörn University) – Expulsion, Submission or Survival: Assyrian Christians in the Early Republic of TurkeyAri Şekeryan (Independent Scholar) – The ‘Armistice Complex’ and the Foundation of the Republic of Turkey: Revisiting the Precarious Situation of the Armenian CommunityCevat Dargin (University of Michigan) – Roadlessness: Ottoman Modernity Navigating Uncharted DersimVahram Ter-Matevosyan (American University of Armenia) – Armenian Interpretations of Kemalism in the 1920-40s: Rethinking Intellectual Debates on Turkey’s Ideological Foundations4:30-6:00 Session V: Roundtable: The Fatal Impossibility of Democracy: 100 Years of False Starts and FailuresFatma Müge Göçek (University of Michigan)
    Ronald Grigor Suny (University of Michigan Emeritus)


    If there is anything we can do to make this event accessible to you, please contact us at armenianstudies@umich.edu. Please be aware that advance notice is necessary as some accommodations may require more time for the university to arrange.

    Building:Weiser Hall
    Event Type:Conference / Symposium
    Tags:armenia, Turkey
    Source:Happening @ Michigan from Center for Armenian Studies, International Institute
    Upcoming Dates:Friday, November 10, 2023 9:30 AM-4:00 PMSaturday, November 11, 2023 10:00 AM-6:00 PM  (Last)
  • Britain in Palestine

    Britain in Palestine

    Britain in Palestine 1917-1948

    Britain in Palestine 1917-1948 investigates the contradictory promises and actions which defined British Mandatory rule in Palestine and laid the groundwork for the Nakba (the catastrophe) and the creation of the state of Israel in 1948. The roots of the contemporary social, political, economic, and environmental landscape of Palestine and Israel can be traced back to this period, making it essential viewing for understanding Britain’s legacy in the region and the situation on the ground today.

    To access English, Arabic and Hebrew subtitles click on the CC link on the video. For further analysis of the events outlined in the film see the Companion Guide to Britain in Palestine 1917-1948.

    Reviews

    “A very useful explanation of how we got to where we are today. Fascinating photos I had not seen before. A great resource to show in any classroom or forum to people who want to learn more about this region, and specifically, Britain’s involvement. Afif Safieh, Former Palestinian Ambassador

    “…This film brilliantly puts into perspective the role the United Kingdom played in Mandate Palestine from 1917-1948.” Rabbi Howard Finkelstein, Ontario, Canada

    “This is an excellent short 18-min video from @BalfourProject explaining briefly but super-clearly how British colonialism has caused a century of war in Palestine.” Matthew Teller, Journalist and author of Nine Quarters of Jerusalem: A New Biography of the Old City (2022)

    “Britain in Palestine 1917 – 1948 is a clear, precise and factual explanation of the historical origins of the Arab-Israeli conflict. For anyone who wants to develop a real understanding of the issue but is intimidated by it’s complexity, this film is the place to start.” Judah Passow, Photojournalist

  • Balkan nations

    Balkan nations

    The Balkans is a southeastern European region that includes countries located on the Balkan Peninsula, with diverse landscapes and climates:

    Albania, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Greece, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, Turkey

    The initial Ottoman expansion took place at the expense of Christian lands in western Anatolia and the Balkans, particularly the Byzantine Empire
    The initial Ottoman expansion took place at the expense of Christian lands in western Anatolia and the Balkans, particularly the Byzantine Empire

    Countries in the Balkans often share borders with one another, and historical border disputes have influenced regional dynamics. Many Balkan nations were once part of the Ottoman Empire, which has left a significant historical and cultural impact.

    The breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s resulted in violent conflicts, with lasting implications for the region.

    The Balkans are home to various ethnic groups and religions, with Orthodox Christianity, Islam, and Catholicism being the major faiths.

    Some Balkan nations aspire to join the European Union and NATO, which has implications for their political and economic development; while others have already become members.

    balkans

    Let’s compare them by several key attributes relating to their military, size, economy and quality of life.

    We will look at the top 3 and bottom 3 in each case.

    Military power (Global Fire Power index – 2023) 0 = Super military power and higher the number= less military power

    Top 3

    1. Turkey (11th in the world) – 0.2016
    2. Greece (30th in the world) – 0.4621
    3. Romania (47th in the world) – 0.7735

    Bottom 3

    1. Bosnia and Herzegovina (133rd in the world) – 3.0788
    2. Montenegro (128th in the world) – 2.8704
    3. North Macedonia (108th in the world) – 2.1717

    Population

    Top 3

    1. Turkey – 84.78 million (2021)
    2. Romania- 19.12 million (2021)
    3. Greece – 10.64 million (2021)

    Bottom 3

    1. Montenegro – 619, 211 (2021)
    2. North Macedonia- 2.065 million (2021)
    3. Slovenia- 2.108 million (2021)

    Landmass

    Top 3

    1. Turkey – 783, 562 km²
    2. Romania – 238, 397 km²
    3. Greece – 131, 957 km²

    Bottom 3

    1. Montenegro – 13, 812 km²
    2. Slovenia – 20, 273 km²
    3. North Macedonia – 25, 713 km²

    Education (UN education index – measures the expected years of schooling and mean years of schooling of the population – 0 = no Education at all and 1 = maximum Education)

    Top 3

    1. Slovenia – 0.914 (2019)
    2. Greece – 0.855 (2019)
    3. Croatia – 0.805 (2019)

    Bottom 3

    1. North Macedonia 0.704 (2019)
    2. Bosnia and Herzegovina 0.711 (2019)
    3. Turkey 0.731 (2019)

    Democracy Index (The Economists Intelligence Unit – 2022, 10 = super democratic and 0 = dictatorship)

    Top 3

    1. Greece – 7.97, Flawed Democracy (25th in the world)
    2. Slovenia – 7.75, Flawed Democracy (31st in the world)
    3. Bulgaria – 6.53, Flawed Democracy (57th in the world)

    Bottom 3

    1. Turkey – 4.35, Hybrid regime (103rd in the world)
    2. Bosnia and Herzegovina – 5.00, Hybrid regime (97th in the world)
    3. North Macedonia – 6.10, Flawed Democracy (72nd in the world)

    GDP (size of economy)

    Top 3

    1. Turkey – $819 billion (2021)
    2. Romania – $284.1 billion (2021)
    3. Greece – $214.9 billion (2021)

    Bottom 3

    1. Montenegro – $5.861 billion (2021)
    2. North Macedonia – $13.83 billion (2021)
    3. Albania – $18.26 billion (2021)

    GDP per capita (size of economy relative to population)

    Top 3

    1. Slovenia – $29, 291.40 (2021)
    2. Greece – $20,192.60 (2021)
    3. Croatia – $17,685.33 (2021)

    Bottom 3

    1. Albania – $6,492.87 (2021)
    2. North Macedonia – $6,694.64 (2021)
    3. Bosnia and Herzegovina- $7,143.31 (2021)

    GDP per capita at Purchasing Power Parity – IMF (how much can people buy with money in a country)

    Top 3 (2023)

    1. Slovenia – $52,641
    2. Croatia – $42,531
    3. Romania – $41,634

    Bottom 3 (2023)

    1. Albania – $19,197
    2. Bosnia and Herzegovina – $19,604
    3. North Macedonia – $21,111

    Exports of goods and services (in millions of $, 2022)

    Top 3

    1. Turkey – 343,688
    2. Romania – 129,165
    3. Greece – 105,756

    Bottom 3

    1. Montenegro -3,178
    2. Albania – 7,057
    3. North Macedonia – 10,150

    Percentage of Population Living in Poverty – Poverty Rate, World Bank

    Top 3 (with lowest poverty of population)

    1. Slovenia – 12% (2018)
    2. Albania – 14.3% (2012)
    3. Bosnia and Herzegovina – 16.9% (2018)

    Bottom 3 (with highest poverty of population)

    1. Montenegro – 24.5% (2018)
    2. Bulgaria tied with Romania – 23.8% (2018)
    3. Serbia – 23.2% (2018)

    Peacefulness (Global Peace Index 2023, 1 – 5 scale, 1 being a super peaceful utopia and 5 being a warzone)

    Top 3

    1. Slovenia – 1.334 (8th in the world)
    2. Croatia – 1.450 (14th in the world)
    3. Bulgaria – 1.640 (30th in the world)

    Bottom 3

    1. Turkey – 2.389 (121st in the world)
    2. North Macedonia – 2.039 (88th in the world)
    3. Albania – 1.925 (79th in the world)

    Happiness (Happiness Index, 2023, 10 being maximum happiness and 0 being totally depressed)

    Top 3

    1. Slovenia – 6.63 (22nd in the world)
    2. Romania – 6.48 (27th in the world)
    3. Serbia- 6.18 (43rd in the world)

    Bottom 3

    1. Turkey – 4.74 (109th in the world)
    2. Albania – 5.2 (88th in the world)
    3. Bulgaria – 5.37 (84th in the world)

    Suicide Rate (suicides per 100,000, WHO, 2019)

    Top 3 (has the least suicide)

    1. Turkey – 2.3 (10th in the world)
    2. Greece – 3.6 (27th in the world)
    3. Albania – 3.7 (29th in the world)

    Bottom 3 (has the most suicide)

    1. Montenegro – 16.2 (161st in the world)
    2. Slovenia – 14 (150th in the world)
    3. Croatia – 11 (121st in the world)

    Homicide rate (murders per 100,000, UN)

    Top 3 (with least murders)

    1. Slovenia – 0.4 (2021)
    2. Greece – 0.9 (2021)
    3. Bosnia and Herzegovina – 1 (2021)

    Bottom 3 (with most murders)

    1. Turkey – 2.5 (2021)
    2. Montenegro – 2.4 (2021)
    3. Albania – 2.3 (2021)

    Healthcare Index (100 being amazing quality & universal healthcare and 0 being 0 healthcare, 2023)

    Top 3

    1. Turkey – 71.1
    2. Slovenia – 66.4
    3. Croatia – 64.5

    Bottom 3

    1. Albania – 49.3
    2. Serbia – 52.2
    3. Bosnia and Herzegovina -54.8

    Life expectancy

    Top 3

    1. Slovenia – 82.31 Years
    2. Greece – 82 Years
    3. Croatia – 79.4 Years

    Bottom 3

    1. Bulgaria – 72.84 Years
    2. Romania – 75.14 Years
    3. Serbia – 75.21 Years

    CONCLUSION:

    Turkey has the most economic and military power as a whole, due primarily to it’s size.

  • Uygur acknowledges Armenian Genocide

    Uygur acknowledges Armenian Genocide

    The Young Turks” founder Cenk Uygur acknowledges Armenian Genocide, refuses to change the name of show.

    The Young Turks founder Cenk Uygur has recognized the Armenian Genocide. Cenk Uygur is a Turkish-born American political commentator and main host/ co-founder of the American commentary program, The Young Turks.

    He has a history of writing opinionated pieces and editorials in various columns, including university newspapers denying the Armenian Genocide. He claims that he redacted his statement and that the Armenian Genocide did in fact happen. However, he refuses to change the name of his show, “The Young Turks.

    the young turks

    Zartonk Archives (May 13, 2019)

    The Young Turks were part of the Committee for Union and Progress (Ittihadists) that overthrew the sultan in the 1913 coup d’etat. Amongst their ranks, were the nefarious triumvirate who became the masterminds behind the systematic orchestration to annihilate over 3 million Christians in the Ottoman Empire between 1915-1923. This included exterminating over 1.5 million native Armenians, ethnically cleansing them of their ancestral homeland.

    Uygur uses the excuse that he was born in Turkey as one of the reasons for his false statements at diminishing the merit of genocide, though his family moved to America when he was young.

    In 1991, while at the University of Pennsylvania, Uygur wrote an article for The Daily Pennsylvanian (the student newspaper) called “Historical Fact or Falsehood“, which imputes false claims of genocide to Armenian demands for land and money.

    An excerpt: “Hence, once you really examine the history of the time it becomes apparent that the allegations of an Armenian Genocide are unfounded. So the question arises of why the Armenians would bother to conjure up such stories, and even go as far as, committing approximately 200 acts of terrorism since 1973 to further their cause, resulting in countless deaths and injuries to government officials and civilians. The answer is that they want their demands met. Their demands are that they receive close to one-half of the land of the Republic of Turkey for a new Greater Armenia, and that every Armenian claiming to be injured by the alleged genocide be compensated with cash reparations. That is why every year they push the U.S. Congress to pass a bill declaring the Armenian Genocide a historical fact…”

    In a letter to Salon in 1999, he again argued that there was no evidence for that genocide:

    “. . . every non-Armenian scholar in the field believes it is an open question whether this event was a genocide. Is it the claim of the article that all of these people are tainted by the tentacles of the Turkish government? If not, then why is it not pointed out that no one outside of the “Armenian position” believes it is a genocide? Why is it assumed that the “Turkish studies side” has the burden of proof in overturning the verdict of Turkish guilt? It is because of the underlying assumption that despite what these people in “Turkish studies” say, there must have been a genocide.”

    “This is an embarrassing position for someone to take who’s an American progressive”

    Uygur recently lost in a congressional race for California’s 25th district, losing to Christy Smith, gaining a total of 5% of the votes. Nevertheless, Uygur did not receive the endorsement of California’s Democratic Party. Then presidential candidate, Bernie Sanders, endorsed him, then retracted his endorsement shortly thereafter.

  • UN recognition of Armenian genocide (Whitaker Report)

    UN recognition of Armenian genocide (Whitaker Report)

    The Whitaker Report is not specifically related to the Armenian Genocide.

    The Whitaker Report is commonly associated with a different issue. It is often referred to as the “Whitaker Report on Genocide,” and it was prepared by Benjamin Whitaker, a British lawyer, for the United Nations in 1985. The report focused on the topic of genocide and the legal and practical measures that should be taken to prevent and punish it. It played a significant role in shaping the legal and political discourse surrounding genocide prevention and the eventual establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC).

    The UN Sub commission did not accept the report, but decided to “receive” it.

    un report on armenian case whitaker report 1

    Since 1985, the UN Spokesperson has three times declared that the UN does not accept the Armenian case as genocide.

    Of the seven independent organizations who provided their expert opinions, three were later to be found to be fronts for Armenian groups that support the Dashnaks.

    The Special Rapporteur (Whitaker) who snuck in the footnote later admitted that he had been retained by the Armenian lobby, but that he did not receive any money for his report. However, he later did work for the Armenian lobby for money.

    un report on armenian case whitaker report 2

    Whitaker report stated in paragraph 24 that:

    The Nazi aberration has unfortunately not been the only case of genocide in the twentieth century. Among other examples which can be cited as qualifying are the German massacre of Hereros in 1904, the Ottoman massacre of Armenians in 1915–1916, the Ukrainian pogrom of Jews in 1919, the Tutsi massacre of Hutu in Burundi in 1965 and 1972, the Paraguayan massacre of Ache Indians prior to 1974, the Khmer Rouge massacre in Kampuchea between 1975 and 1978, and the contemporary [1985] Iranian killings of Baha’is.
    — Whitaker Report, (paragraph 24)

    un report on armenian case whitaker report 3
    un report on armenian case whitaker report 4
    The documents that show the UN does not accept the Armenian case as genocide are provided by Emre Serbest.

  • Henry VIII or Suleiman The Magnificent?

    Henry VIII or Suleiman The Magnificent?

    Who was more powerful, Henry VIII or Suleiman The Magnificent?

    suleiman

    Suleiman the Magnificent, also known as Suleiman I, was the tenth Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, and he reigned from 1520 to 1566. He is one of the most famous and influential rulers of the Ottoman Empire. Suleiman was born on November 6, 1494, and he died on September 6, 1566.

    During his reign, Suleiman oversaw the expansion of the Ottoman Empire to its greatest territorial extent. It covered modern day Turkey, Georgia, Armenia, Iran, Iraq, Egypt, much of Libya and Algeria, Greece, Hungary, Romania, Moldova as well as bits of Ukraine and Russia. He ruled over 25 million souls.

    He is known for his military campaigns and successful conquests, which included the capture of Belgrade, Rhodes, and most notably, the siege of Vienna in 1529. Suleiman’s reign is often considered the height of Ottoman power and influence in both Europe and Asia.

    The economy of the Ottoman Empire was more than double France, Spain and the Hapsburg Empires combined.

    Suleiman was also a patron of the arts, and his rule saw a flourishing of literature, architecture, and culture. He is particularly well-known for his legal reforms and the codification of laws that became the basis for the legal system of the Ottoman Empire. His title, “the Magnificent,” reflects the grandeur and success of his rule. His reign is sometimes referred to as the “Golden Age of the Ottoman Empire.” He was succeeded by his son, Selim II, upon his death in 1566.

    ottoman empire under suleiman I the magnificent 1580

    Henry VIII was a King of England who ruled England from 1509 to 1547. Not even the whole of island of Great Britain. He ruled over a puny 2.3 million souls. His economy was tiny compared to the major European powers of the day – far less the mighty Ottomans. Henry was born on June 28, 1491, and he died on January 28, 1547.

    The Six Wives of Henry VIII
    The Six Wives of Henry VIII

    Henry is famously known for his six marriages. His desire to annul his marriage to Catherine of Aragon, and the Pope’s refusal to grant him an annulment, led Henry to establish the Church of England in 1534. Henry passed the Act of Supremacy, which declared the English monarch as the supreme head of the Church of England, further solidifying his control over the church.

    This event, known as the English Reformation, resulted in the Church of England breaking away from the authority of the Pope and the Roman Catholic Church. As part of the English Reformation, Henry ordered the dissolution of the monasteries in England, confiscating their lands and wealth. This move had profound effects on the religious, social, and economic landscape of England.

    Henry VIII king of england

    Henry’s reign had a lasting impact on English history, especially in the areas of religion and government. The establishment of the Church of England set the stage for the development of Protestantism in England, and the monarchy’s power and role in governance were significantly transformed.

    Resources:

    • Colin Riegels, BCL in Law, University of Oxford
    • World History Encyclopedia